London 1757-1775 / Franklin, Benjamin

                      LONDON 1757-1775
                    by Benjamin Franklin

                  _William Franklin to the
                   Printer of the Citizen:
               A Defense of the Quakers and the
                   Pennsylvania Assembly_

      _Some Account of the late Disputes between the Assembly of_
Pensylvania, _and their present Governor_ William Denny, _Esq;_

        In our _Magazine_, _Vol._ xxv. p. 87 _Vol._ xxvi. _p._ 28.  we
have given a very particular account of the disputes between the
assembly of _Pensylvania_ and the late Governor _Morris_, which had
exactly the same cause, and produced exactly the same effects, as the
late dispute between this assembly and Mr _Denny_.

        The acting governor, who is only lieutenant governor,
besides the royal instructions, receives instructions from the
proprietaries.  By these proprietary instructions the governor is
required not to pass any bill for taxing their quit rents, their
located unimproved lands, and their purchase money at interest,
but the assembly have ever been determined to frame no money
bill, in which these quit rents, lands, and money shall be
exempted, for the following reasons.

        1st, Because they conceive that neither the proprietaries nor
any other power on earth, ought to interfere between them and their
sovereign, either to modify or refuse their free gifts and grants for
his majesty's service.

        2d, Because though the governor may be under obligations to the
proprietaries, yet he is under greater to the crown, and to the
people he is appointed to govern, to promote the service of his
majesty, and preserve the rights of his subjects, and protect them
from their cruel enemies.

        3d. Because a tax laid comformable to the proprietary
instructions, could not possibly produce the necessary supply.  By
these instructions all the proprietors estate, except a trifle, and
all located unimproved lands, to whomsoever belonging, are to be
exempted.  There remains then to be taxed, only the improved lands,
houses, and personal estates of the people.  Now it is well known,
from the tax books, that there are not in the province more than
20,000 houses, including those of the towns with those on
plantations.  If these, with the improved lands annexed to them, and
the personal estate of those that inhabit them, are worth, one with
another, 250_l_. each, it may, we think, be reckoned their full
value; then multiply 20,000 the number of houses, by 250_l_. the
value of each estate, and the produce is 5,000,000_l_. for the full
value of all our estates, real and personal, the unimproved lands
excepted.  Now three _per cent._ on five millions is but one hundred
and fifty thousand pounds; and four shillings in the pound on one
hundred and fifty thousand pounds, being but a fifth part, is no more
than thirty thousand pounds; so that we ought to have near seventeen
millions to produce, by such a tax, one hundred thousand pounds.

        4th. Because the bill (*) which they have prepared, without the
exceptions required in the proprietaries instructions, is exactly
conformable to an act lately passed by a former governor, and allowed
by the crown.

        (*) _In the bill which passed in_ March _last, the proprietary
estate was not taxed, that matter being intended to be referred to
the determination of superior authority in_ England.

        It is indeed matter of equal astonishment and concern, that in
this time of danger and distress, when the utmost unanimity and
dispatch is necessary to the preservation of life, liberty, and
estate, a governor should be sent to our colonies with such
instructions as must inevitably produce endless dispute and delay,
and prevent the assembly from effectually opposing the _French_ upon
any other condition, than the giving up their rights as _Englishmen_.

        The assembly, indeed, have been stigmatized as obstinate,
fanatical, and disaffected; and reproached as the authors of every
calamity under which they suffer.  A paragraph in one of the public
papers, which lately ecchoed the charge that has been long urged
against them, has been answered by Mr _William Franklin_ of
_Philadelphia_, who is now in _England_.  We shall insert the
paragraph and reply at large, as we cannot exhibit any other
representation with equal authority.

        _To the Printer of the_ CITIZEN.  _SIR,_ In your Paper of the
9th Instant, I observe the following Paragraph, viz.  `The last
Letters from Philadelphia bring Accounts of the Scalping the
Inhabitants of the Back Provinces by the Indians: At the same Time
the Disputes between the Governor and the Assembly are carried to as
great a Height as ever, and the Messages sent from the Assembly to
the Governor, and from the Governor to the Assembly, are expressed in
Terms which give very little Hopes of a Reconciliation.  The Bill to
raise Money is clogged, so as to prevent the Governor from giving his
Consent to it; and the Obstinacy of the Quakers in the Assembly is
such, that they will in no Shape alter it: So that, while the Enemy
is in the Heart of the Country, Cavils prevent any Thing being done
for its Relief. -- Mr. Denny is the third Governor with whom the
Assembly has had these Disputes within a few Years.'

        As this Paragraph, like many others heretofore published in the
Papers, is not founded on Truth, but calculated to prejudice the
Public against the Quakers and People of Pennsylvania, you are
desired to do that injured Province some Justice, in publishing the
following Remarks; which would have been sent you sooner, had the
Paper come sooner to my Hands.

        1. That the Scalping of the Frontier Inhabitants by the Indians
is not peculiar to Pennsylvania, but common to all the Colonies, in
Proportion as their Frontiers are more or less extended and exposed
to the Enemy.  That the Colony of Virginia, in which there are very
few, if any Quakers, and none in the Assembly, has lost more
Inhabitants and Territory by the War than Pennsylvannia.  That even
the Colony of New York, with all its own Forces, a great Body of
New-England Troops encamp'd on its Frontier, and the regular Army
under Lord Loudoun, posted in different Places, has not been able to
secure its Inhabitants from Scalping by the Indians; who coming
secretly in very small Parties skulking in the Woods, must sometimes
have it in their Power to surprize and destroy Travellers, or single
Families settled in scattered Plantations, notwithstanding all the
Care that can possibly be taken by any Government for their
Protection.  Centinels posted round an Army, while standing on their
Guard, with Arms in their Hands, are often kill'd and scalp'd by
Indians.  How much easier must it be for such an Enemy to destroy a
Ploughman at Work in his Field?

        2. That the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of Pennsylvania are
not Quakers, were in the Beginning of the War supplied with Arms and
Ammunition by the Assembly, and have frequently defended themselves,
and repelled the Enemy, being withheld by no Principle from Fighting;
and the Losses they have suffer'd were owing entirely to their
Situation, and the loose scattered Manner in which they had settled
their Plantations and Families in the Woods, remote from each other,
in Confidence of lasting Peace.

        3. That the Disputes between the late and present Governors,
and the Assembly of Pennsylvania, were occasioned, and are continued,
chiefly by _new_ Instructions from the Proprietors to those
Governors, forbidding them to pass any Laws to raise Money for the
Defence of the Country, unless the proprietary Estate, or much the
greatest Part of it, was exempted from the Tax to be raised by Virtue
of such Laws, and other Clauses inserted in them, by which the
Privileges long enjoyed by the People, and which they think they have
a Right to, not only as Pennsylvanians, but as Englishmen, were to be
extorted from them, under their present Distresses.  The Quakers,
who, tho' the first Settlers, are now but a small Part of the People
of Pennsylvania, were concerned in those Disputes only as Inhabitants
of the Province, and not as Quakers; and all the other Inhabitants
join in opposing those Instructions, and contending for their Rights,
the Proprietary Officers and Dependants only excepted, with a few of
such as they can influence.

        4. That though some Quakers have Scruples against bearing Arms,
they have when most numerous in the Assembly, granted large Sums for
the King's Use (as they expressed it) which have been applied to the
Defence of the Province; for Instance, in 1755, and 1756, they
granted the Sum of 55,000l. to be raised by a Tax on Estates real and
personal, and 30,000l. to be raised by Excise on Spirituous Liquors;
besides near 10,000l. in Flour, &c. to General Braddock and for
cutting his Roads, and 10,000l. to General Shirley in Provisions for
the New England and New-York Forces, then on the Frontiers of
New-York; at the same Time that the Contingent Expences of Government
to be otherwise provided for, were greatly and necessarily enhanced.
That however, to remove all Pretence for Reflection on their Sect, as
obstructing military Measures in Time of War, a Number of them
voluntarily quitted their Seats in Assembly, in 1756; others
requested their Friends not to chuse them in the ensuing Election,
nor did any of that Profession stand as Candidates, or request a Vote
for themselves at that Election, many Quakers refusing even to vote
at all, and others voting for such Men as would, and did, make a
considerable Majority in the House, who were not Quakers; and yet
four of the Quakers, who were nevertheless chosen, refused to serve,
and Writs were issued for new Elections, when four others, not
Quakers, were chosen in their Places; that of 36 Members, the Number
of which the House consists, there are not at the most above 12 of
that Denomination, and those such as are well known to be for
supporting the Government in Defence of the Country, but are too few,
if they were against such a Measure, to prevent it.

        5. That the Bill to raise Money said in the above Article of
News, to be so clogged as to prevent the Governor from giving his
Assent, was drawn in the same Form, and with the same Freedom from
all Clogs, as that for granting 60,000l. which had been passed by the
Governor in 1755, and received the Royal Approbation; that the real
Clogs or Obstructions to its passing were not in the Bill, but in the
above-mentioned proprietary Instructions; that the Governor having
long refused his Assent to the Bill, did in Excuse of his Conduct, on
Lord Loudoun's Arrival at Philadelphia, in March last, lay his
Reasons before his Lordship, who was pleased to communicate them to
one of the Members of the House, and patiently to hear what that
Member had to say in Answer, the Governor himself being present; and
that his Lordship did finally declare himself fully satisfied with
the Answers made to those Reasons, and to give it as his Opinion to
the Governor, that he ought immediately to pass the Bill, any
Instructions he might have to the contrary from the Proprietors
notwithstanding, which the Governor accordingly complied with, passed
the Bill on the 22d of March, and the Money, being 100,000l. for the
Service of the current Year, has been ever since actually expending
in the Defence of the Province; so that the whole Story of the Bill's
not passing, the clogging of the Bill by the Assembly, and the
Obstinacy of the Quakers preventing its Passage, is absolutely a
malicious and notorious Falshood.

        6. The Assertion of the News-Writers, `That while the Enemy is
in the Heart of the Country, Cavils prevent any Thing being done for
its Relief,' is so far from being true: That First, the Enemy is not,
nor ever was, in the Heart of the Country, having only molested the
Frontier Settlements by their Parties.  Secondly, More is done for
the Relief and Defence of the Country, without any Assistance from
the Crown, than is done perhaps by any other Colony in America; there
having been, soon after the War broke out, the following Forts
erected at the Province Expence, in a Line to cover the Frontier,
viz. Henshaw's Fort on Delaware, Fort Hamilton, Fort Norris, Fort
Allen, Fort Franklin, Fort Lebanon, Fort William Henry, Fort
Augustus, Fort Halifax, Fort Granville, Fort Shirley, Fort Littleton,
and Shippensburg Fort, besides several smaller Stockades and Places
of Defence, garrisoned by Troops in the Pay of the Province, under
whose Protection the Inhabitants, who at first abandoned their
Frontier Settlements, returned generally to their Habitations, and
many yet continue, though not without some Danger, to cultivate their
Lands: By these Pennsylvanian Troops, under Col. Armstrong, the
greatest Blow was given to the Enemy last Year on the Ohio that they
have received during the War: in burning and destroying the Indian
Town of Kittanning, and killing their great Captain Jacobs, with many
other Indians, and recovering a Number of Captives of their own and
the neighbouring Provinces: Besides the Garrisons, in the Forts, 1100
Soldiers are maintained on the Frontiers in Pay, being armed and
accoutred by the Province, as ranging Companies.

        And at Philadelphia, 15 Iron Cannon, 18 Pounders, were last
Year purchased in England, and added to the 50 they had before,
either mounted on their Batteries, or ready to be mounted, besides a
Train of Artillery, being new Brass Field Pieces, 12 and 6 Pounders,
with all their Appurtenances in extreme good Order, and a Magazine
stored with Ammunition, a Quantity of large Bomb-shells, and above
2000 new Small Arms lately procured, exclusive of those in the Hands
of the People.  They have likewise this Summer fitted out a 20 Gun
Province Ship of War, to scour the Coast of Privateers, and protect
the Trade of that and the neighbouring Provinces, which is more than
any other Colony to the Southward of New England has done.
Pennsylvania also, by its Situation, covers the greatest Part of New
Jersey, all the Government of the Delaware Countries, and great Part
of Maryland, from the Invasions of the Indians, without receiving any
Contribution from those Colonies, or the Mother-Country, towards the
Expence.

        The above are Facts, consistent with the Knowledge of the
Subscriber, who but lately left Philadelphia, is now in London, is
not, nor ever was, a Quaker, nor writes this at the Request of any
Quaker, but purely to do Justice to a Province and People, of late
frequently abused in nameless Papers and Pamphlets published in
England.  And he hereby calls upon the Writer of that Article of News
to produce the Letters out of which, he says, he has drawn those
Calumnies and Falshoods, or to take the Shame to himself.  WILLIAM
FRANKLIN.  Pensylvania Coffee-house London, Sept. 16, 1757.

_The London Chronicle_, September 20, 1757

_Gentleman's Magazine_, September, 1757

        _A Letter from Father Abraham, to His Beloved Son_

        _Dear_ Isaac, You frequently desire me to give you some
_Advice_, in Writing.  There is, perhaps, no other valuable Thing in
the World, of which so great a Quantity is _given_, and so little
_taken_.  Men do not generally err in their Conduct so much through
Ignorance of their Duty, as thro Inattention to their own Faults, or
thro strong Passions and bad Habits; and, therefore, till that
Inattention is cured, or those Passions reduced under the Government
of Reason, _Advice_ is rather resented as a Reproach, than gratefully
acknowledged and followed.

        Supposing then, that from the many good Sermons you have heard,
good Books read, and good Admonitions received from your Parents and
others, your Conscience is by this Time pretty well informed, and
capable of advising you,if you attentively listen to it, I shall not
fill this Letter with Lessons or Precepts of Morality and Religion;
but rather recommend to you, that in order to obtain a _clear_ Sight
and _constant_ Sense of your Errors, you would set apart a Portion of
every Day for the Purpose of _Self-Examination_, and trying your
daily Actions by that Rule of Rectitude implanted by GOD in your
Breast.  The properest Time for this, is when you are retiring to
Rest; then carefully review the Transactions of the past Day; and
consider how far they have agreed with _what you know_ of your Duty
to God and to Man, in the several Relations you stand in of a Subject
to the Government, Servant to your Master, a Son, a Neighbour, a
Friend, _&c._ When, by this Means, you have discovered the Faults of
the Day, acknowledge them to God, and humbly beg of him notonly
Pardon for what is past, but Strength to fulfil your solemn
Resolutions of guarding against them for the Future.  Observing this
Course steadily for some Time, you will find (through God's Grace
assisting) that your Faults are continually diminishing, and your
Stock of Virtue encreasing; in Consequence of which you will grow in
Favour both with GOD and Man.

        I repeat it, that for the Acquirement of solid, uniform, steady
Virtue, nothing contributes more, than a daily strict
SELF-EXAMINATION, by the Lights of Reason, Conscience, and the Word
of GOD; joined with firm Resolutions of amending what you find amiss,
and fervent Prayer for Grace and Strength to execute those
Resolutions. -- This Method is very antient.  'Twas recommended by
_Pythagoras_, in his truly _Golden Verses_, and practised since in
every Age, with Success, by Men of all Religions.  Those golden
Verses, as translated by _Rowe_, are well worth your Reading, and
even getting by Heart.  The Part relating to this Matter I have
transcribed, to give you a Taste of them, _viz_.

        Let not the stealing God of Sleep surprize, Nor creep in
Slumbers on thy weary Eyes, Ere ev'ry Action of the former Day,
_Strictly_ thou dost, and _righteously_ survey.  With Rev'rence at
thy own Tribunal stand, And answer justly to thy own Demand.  Where
have I been?  In what have I transgrest?  What Good or Ill has this
Day's Life exprest?  Where have I fail'd in what I ought to do?  In
what to GOD, to Man, or to myself I owe?  Inquire severe whate'er
from first to last, From Morning's Dawn till Ev'nings Gloom has past.
If Evil were thy Deeds, repenting mourn, And let thy Soul with strong
Remorse be torn: If Good, the Good with Peace of Mind repay, And to
thy secret Self with Pleasure say, Rejoice, my Heart, for all went
well to Day.

        And that no Passage to your Improvement in Virtue may be kept
secret, it is not sufficient that you make Use of _Self-Examination_
alone; therefore I have also added a _golden Extract_ from _a
favourite_ OLD BOOK, to instruct you in the prudent and deliberate
Choice of some disinterested Friend,to remind you of such Misconduct
as must necessarily escape your severest Inquiry: Which is as
follows;

        Every prudent Man ought to be jealous and fearful of himself,
lest he run away too hastily with a Likelihood instead of Truth; and
abound too much in his own Understanding.  All Conditions are equal,
that is, Men may be contented in every Condition: For Security is
equal to Splendor; Health to Pleasure, _&c_.  Every Condition of Life
has its Enemies, for _Deus posuit duo & duo, unum contra unum_.  A
rich Man hath Enemies sometimes for no other Reason than because he
is rich; the poor Man hath as poor Neighbours, or rich Ones that gape
after that small Profit which he enjoys.  The Poor very often subsist
merely by Knavery and Rapine among each other.  Beware, therefore,
how you offend any Man, for he that is displeased at your Words or
Actions, commonly joins against you, without putting the _best_
Construction on (or endeavouring to find out a reasonable Excuse for)
them.  And be sure you _hate_ no Man, though you think him a
worthless or unjust Person.  Never _envy_ any one above you: You have
Enemies enough by the common Course of Human Nature; be cautious not
to encrease the Number; and rather procure as many Friends as you
can, to countenance and strengthen you.  Every Man has also an Enemy
within himself.  Every Man is choleric and covetous, or gentle and
generous by Nature.  Man is naturally a beneficent Creature: But
there are many external Objects and Accidents, met with as we go
through Life, which _seem_ to make great Alterations in our natural
Dispositions and Desires.  A Man naturally passionate and greedy,
may, to all Appearance, become complaisant and hospitable, merely by
Force of Instruction and Discipline; and so the Contrary.  'Tis in
vain for a passionate Man to say, _I am pardonable_ because _it is
natural to me_, when we can perhaps point out to him an Example in
his next Neighbour, who was _once_ affected in the very same Manner,
and could say as much to defend himself, who is now exceedingly
_different_ in his Behaviour, and quite free from those unhappy
Affections which disturbed his Repose so often, not long ago, and
become a chearful, facetious, and profitable Companion to his
Friends, and a Pattern of Humility to all around him.

        Nothing was ever well done or said _in a Passion_.  One Man's
Infirmities and bad Inclinations may be harder to conquer than
another Man's, according to the various and _secret_ Circumstances
that attend them; but they are capable of being conquered, or very
much improved for the better, except they have been suffered to _take
Root in_ OLD _Age_; in this Case it is most convenient to let them
_have their_ OWN _Way,_ as the Phrase is.

        The strongest of our natural Passions are seldom perceived by
us; a choleric Man does not always discover when he is angry, nor an
envious Man when he is invidious; at most they think they commit no
great Faults.

        Therefore it is necessary that you should have a MONITOR.  Most
Men are very indifferent Judges of themselves, and often think they
do well when they sin; and imagine they commit only small Errors,
when they are guilty of Crimes.  It is in Human Life as in the Arts
and Sciences; their plainest Doctrines are easily comprehended, but
the finest Points cannot be discovered without the closest Attention;
of these Parts only the wise and skilful in the Art or Science, can
be deemed competent Judges.  Many Vices and Follies resemble their
opposite Virtues and Prudence; they border upon, and seem to mix with
each other; and therefore the exact Line of Division betwixt them is
hard to ascertain.  Pride resembles a generous Spirit; Superstition
and Enthusiasm frequently resemble true Religion; a laudable worthy
Ambition resembles an unworthy Self-Sufficiency; Government resembles
Tyranny; Liberty resembles Licentiousness; Subjection resembles
Slavery; Covetousness resembles Frugality; Prodigality resembles
Generosity; and so of the Rest.  Prudence chiefly consists in that
Excellence of Judgment, which is capable of discerning the MEDIUM; or
of acting so as not to intermingle the one with the other; and in
being able to assign to every Cause its _proper_ Actions and Effects.
It is therefore necessary for every Person who desires to be a wise
Man, to _take particular Notice of HIS OWN _Actions_, and of HIS OWN
_Thoughts and Intentions_ which are the Original of his Actions; with
great Care and Circumspection; otherwise he can never arrive to that
Degree of Perfection which constitutes the amiable Character he
aspires after.  And, lest all this Diligence should be insufficient,
as Partiality to himself will certainly render it, it is very
requisite for him to _chuse a_ FRIEND, or MONITOR, who must be
allowed the greatest Freedom to advertise and remind him of his
Failings, and to point out Remedies.  Such a One, I mean, as is a
discreet and virtuous Person; but especially One that does not creep
after the Acquaintance of, or play the Spaniel to, _great_ Men; One
who does not covet Employments which are known to be scandalous for
Opportunities of Injustice: One who can bridle his Tongue and curb
his Wit; One that can converse with himself, and industriously
attends upon his Affairs whatever they be.  Find out such a _Man_;
insinuate yourself into a Confidence with him; and desire him to
observe your Conversation and Behaviour; intreat him to admonish you
of what he thinks amiss, in a serious and friendly Manner; importune
his Modesty till he condescends to grant your Request. -- Do not
imagine that you live one Day without Faults, or that those Faults
are undiscovered.  Most Men see that in another, which they can not
or will not see in themselves: And he is happiest, who through the
whole Course of his Life, can attain to a reasonable Freedom from Sin
and Folly, even by the Help of _Old Age_, that great Mortifier and
Extinguisher of our Lusts and Passions.  If such a Monitor informs
you of any Misconduct, whether you know his Interpretations to be
true or false, take it not only _patiently_, but _thankfully_; and be
careful to reform.  Thus you get and keep a Friend, break the
inordinate mischievous Affection you bore towards your Frailities,
and advance yourself in Wisdom and Virtue.  When you consider that
you must give an Account of your Actions to your vigilant Reprover;
that other Men see the same Imperfections in you as he does; and that
it is impossible for a good Man to enjoy the Advantages of
Friendship, except he first puts off those Qualities which render him
subject to Flattery, that is, except he first cease to flatter
himself.  A good, a generous _Christian_ Minister, or worthy sensible
Parents, may be suitable Persons for a difficult Office; difficult,
though it should be performed by _familiar_ Conversation.  And how
much more meritorious of Entertainment are People of such a
Character, than those who come to your Table to _make Faces_, talk
Nonsense, devour your Substance, censure their Neighbours, flatter
and deride you?  Remember that if a Friend tells you of a Fault,
always imagine that he does not tell you the whole, which is commonly
the Truth; for he desires your Reformation, but is loth to offend
you.  And _nunquam sine querela aegra tanguntur_.

        I know, dear Son, _Ambition_ fills your Mind, And in Life's
Voyage, is th' impelling Wind; But, at the Helm, let sober Reason
stand, To steer the Bark with Heav'n directed Hand: So shall you safe
_Ambition_'s Gales receive, And ride securely, though the Billows
heave; So shall you shun the giddy Hero's Fate, And by her Influence
be both good and great.

        She bids you first, in Life's soft vernal Hours, With active
Industry wake Nature's Pow'rs; With rising Years still rising Arts
display, With new-born Graces mark each new-born Day.  'Tis now the
Time _young Passion_ to command, While yet the pliant Stem obeys the
Hand; Guide now the Courser with a steady Rein, E'er yet he bounds
o'er Pleasure's flowry Plain; In Passion's Strife no Medium you can
have; You rule, a Master; or submit, a Slave.

        To conclude. -- You are just entering into the World: Beware of
the _first Acts_ of Dishonesty: They present themselves to the Mind
under _specious Disguises_, and _plausible Reasons_ of Right and
Equity: But being admitted, they open the Way for admitting others,
that are _but a little_ more dishonest, which are followed by others
_a little_ more knavish than they, till by Degrees, however slow, a
Man becomes an _habitual_ Sharper, and at length a _consummate
Rascal_ and Villain.  Then farewel all Peace of Mind, and inward
Satisfaction; all Esteem, Confidence, and Reputation among Mankind.
And indeed if _outward_ Reputation could be preserved, what Pleasure
can it afford to a Man that must _inwardly_ despise himself, whose
own Baseness will, in Spite of his Endeavours to forget it, be ever
presenting itself to his View.  If you have a _Sir-Reverence_ in your
Breeches, what signifies it if you _appear_ to Others neat and clean
and genteel, when you _know_ and _feel_ yourself to be b ------ t.  I
make no Apology for the Comparison, however coarse, since none can be
too much so for a defiled and foul Conscience.  But never flatter
yourself with _Concealment_; 'tis impossible to last long.  One Man
may be too cunning for another Man, but not for _all Men_: Some Body
or other will smell you out, or some Accident will discover you; or
who can be sure that he shall never be heard to talk in his Sleep, or
be delirious in a Fever, when the working Mind usually throws out
Hints of what has inwardly affected it?  Of this there have been many
Instances; some of which are within the Compass of your own
Knowledge.

        Whether you chuse to act in a public or a private Station, if
you would maintain the personal Character of a Man of Sincerity,
Integrity and Virtue, there is a Necessity of becoming _really good_,
if you would _do good_: For the thin Disguises of _pretended_ private
Virtue and Public Spirit, are easily seen through; the Hypocrite
detected and exposed.  For this Reason then, _My dear_ ISAAC, as well
as for many others, be sincere, candid, honest, well-meaning, and
upright, in all you do and say; be _really_ good, if you would
_appear_ so: Your Life then shall give Strength to your _Counsels_;
and though you should be found out an indifferent _Speaker_ or
_Writer_, you shall not be without Praise for the Benevolence of your
Intention.

        But, again, suppose it possible for a Knave to preserve a fair
Character among Men, and even to approve his own Actions, what is
that to the Certainty of his being discovered and detested by the
all-seeing Eye of _that righteous_ BEING, who made and governs the
World, whose just Hand never fails to do right and to punish
Iniquity, and whose Approbation, Favour, and Friendship, is worth the
Universe?

        Heartily wishing you every Accomplishment that can make a Man
amiable and valuable, to HIS Protection I commit you, being, with
sincere Affection, _dear Son_, Your very loving Father, _Abraham_.

_The New-England Magazine_, August, 1758

        _A New Englandman to the Printer of the London Chronicle: A
Defense of the Americans_

_To the Printer of the_ CHRONICLE.

        SIR, While the public attention is so much turned towards
_America_, every letter from thence that promises new information, is
pretty generally read; it seems therefore the more necessary that
care should be taken to disabuse the Public, when those letters
contain facts false in themselves, and representations injurious to
bodies of people, or even to private persons.

        In your paper, No. 310. I find an extract of a letter, said to
be from a gentleman in General _Abercrombie_'s army.  As there are
several strokes in it tending to render the colonies despicable, and
even odious to the mother country, which may have ill consequences;
and no notice having been taken of the injuries contained in that
letter, other letters of the same nature have since been published,
permit me to make a few observations on it.

        The writer says, `_New England_ was settled by Presbyterians
and Independents, who took shelter there from the persecutions of
Archbishop _Laud_; -- _they still retain their original character,
they generally hate the Church of England_,' says he.  If it were
true, that some resentment still remained for the hardships their
fathers suffer'd, it might perhaps be not much wondered at; but the
fact is, that the moderation of the present church of _England_
towards Dissenters in _Old_ as well as _New England_, has quite
effaced those impressions; the Dissenters too are become less rigid
and scrupulous, and the good-will between those different bodies in
that country is now both mutual and equal.

        He goes on: _`They came out with a levelling spirit, and they
retain it.  They cannot bear to think that one man should be
exorbitantly rich and another poor, so that, except in the seaport
towns, there are few great estates among them.  This equality
produces also a rusticity of manners; for in their language, dress,
and in all their behaviour, they are more boorish than any thing you
ever saw in a certain Northern latitude.'_ One would imagine from
this account, that those who were growing poor, plundered those who
were growing rich to preserve this equality, and that property had no
protection; whereas in fact, it is no where more secure than in the
_New England_ colonies, the law is no where better executed, or
justice obtain'd at less expence.  The equality he speaks of, arises
first from a more equal distribution of lands by the assemblies in
the first settlement than has been practised in the other colonies,
where favourites of governors have obtained enormous tracts for
trifling considerations, to the prejudice both of the crown revenues
and the public good; and secondly, from the nature of their
occupation; husbandmen with small tracts of land, though they may by
industry maintain themselves and families in mediocrity, having few
means of acquiring great wealth, especially in a young colony that is
to be supplied with its cloathing, and many other expensive articles
of consumption from the mother country.  Their dress the gentleman
may be a more critical judge of than I can pretend to be; all I know
of it is, that they wear the manufactures of Britain, and follow its
fashions perhaps too closely, every remarkable change in the mode
making its appearance there within a few months after its invention
here; a natural effect of their constant intercourse with _England_,
by ships arriving almost every week from the capital, their respect
for the mother country, and admiration of every thing that is
_British_.  But as to their language, I must beg this gentleman's
pardon if I differ from him.  His ear, accustomed perhaps to the
dialect practised in the _certain northern latitude_ he mentions, may
not be qualified to judge so nicely in what relates to _pure
English_.  And I appeal to all Englishmen here, who have been
acquainted with the Colonists, whether it is not a common remark,
that they speak the language with such an exactness both of
expression and accent, that though you may know the natives of
several of the counties of _England_, by peculiarities in their
dialect, you cannot by that means distinguish a _North American_.
All the new books and pamphlets worth reading, that are published
here, in a few weeks are transmitted and found there, where there is
not a man or woman born in the country but what can read: and it
must, I should think, be a pleasing reflection to those who write
either for the benefit of the present age or of posterity, to find
their audience increasing with the increase of our colonies; and
their language extending itself beyond the narrow bounds of these
islands to a continent, larger than all _Europe_, and to a future
empire as fully peopled, which _Britain_ may probably one day possess
in those vast western regions.

        But the Gentleman makes more injurious comparisons than these:
`_That latitude_, he says, has this advantage over them, that it has
produced sharp, acute men, fit for war or learning, whereas the other
are remarkably simple or silly, and blunder eternally.  We have 6000
of their militia, which the General would willingly exchange for 2000
regulars.  They are for ever marring some one or other of our plans
when sent to execute them.  They can, indeed, some of them at least,
range in the woods; but 300 Indians with their yell, throw 3000 of
them into a panick, and then they will leave nothing to the enemy to
do, for they will shoot one another; and in the woods our regulars
are afraid to be on a command with them _on that very account._' I
doubt, Mr. Chronicle, that this paragraph, when it comes to be read
in _America_, will have no good effect, and rather increase that
inconvenient disgust that is too apt to arise between the troops of
different corps, or countries, who are obliged to serve together.
Will not a _New England Officer_ be apt to retort and say, What
foundation have you for this odious distinction in favour of the
officers from your _certain northern latitude_?  They may, as you
say, be _fit for learning_, but, surely, the return of your first
General, with a well-appointed and sufficient force from his
expedition against _Louisbourg_, is not the most shining proof of his
_talents for war_.  And no one will say his plan was _marred by us_,
for we were not with him. -- Was his successor, who conducted the
blundering attack and inglorious retreat from _Ticonderoga_, a New
England man, or one of _that certain latitude_? -- Then as to the
comparison between _Regulars_ and _Provincials_, will not the latter
remark, That it was 2000 New England _Provincials_, with but about
150 _Regulars_, that took the strong fort of _Beausejour_ in the
beginning of the war, though in the accounts transmitted to the
English Gazette, the honour was claimed by the regulars, and little
or no notice taken of the others. -- That it was the _Provincials_
who beat General _Dieskau_, with his _Regulars_, _Canadians_, and
_`yelling' Indians_, and sent him prisoner to _England_.  -- That it
was a _Provincial-born_ Officer (* 1), with _American_ battoemen,
that beat the _French_ and _Indians_ on _Oswego_ river. -- That it
was the same Officer, _with Provincials_, who made that long and
admirable march into the enemies country, took and destroyed Fort
_Frontenac_, with the whole French fleet on the lakes, and struck
terror into the heart of _Canada_.  That it was a _Provincial_
Officer (* 2), _with Provincials_ only,
who made another extraordinary march into the enemy's country,
surprised and destroyed the _Indian_ town of _Kittanning_, bringing
off the scalps of their chiefs.  That one ranging Captain of a few
_Provincials_, _Rogers_, has harrassed the enemy _more_ on the
frontiers of _Canada_, and destroyed _more_ of their men, than the
_whole_ army of _Regulars_. -- That it was the _Regulars_ who
surrendered themselves, with the Provincials under their command,
prisoners of war, almost as soon as they were besieged, with the
forts, fleet, and all the provisions and stores that had been
provided and amassed at so immense an expence, at _Oswego_.  That it
was the _Regulars_ who surrendered Fort _William Henry_, and suffered
themselves to be butchered and scalped with arms in their hands.
That it was the _Regulars_, under _Braddock_, who were thrown into a
panick by the `_yells_ of 3 or 400 Indians,' in their confusion shot
one another, and, with five times the force of the enemy, fled before
them, destroying all their own stores, ammunition, and provisions! --
These _Regular Gentlemen_, will the _Provincial rangers_ add, may
possibly be _afraid_, as they say they are, _to be on a command with
us_ in the woods; but when it is considered, that from all past
experience the chance of our shooting them is not as one to an
hundred, compared with that of their being shot by the enemy, may it
not be suspected, that what they give as the _very account_ of their
fear and unwillingness to venture out with us, is only the _very
excuse_; and that a concern for their scalps weighs more with them
than a regard for their honour.

        Such as these, Sir, I imagine may be the reflections _extorted_
by such provocations from the Provincials in general.  But the _New
England Men_ in particular will have reason to resent the remarks on
their reduction of _Louisbourg_.  Your writer proceeds, `Indeed they
are all very ready to make their boast of taking _Louisbourg_, in
1745; but if people were to be acquitted or condemned according to
the propriety and wisdom of their plans, and not according to their
success, the persons that undertook that siege merited little praise:
for I have heard officers, who assisted at it, say, never was any
thing more rash; for had one single part of their plan failed, or had
the French made the fortieth part of the resistance then that they
have made now, every soul of the New Englanders must have fallen in
the trenches.  The garrison was weak, sickly, destitute of
provisions, and disgusted, and therefore became a ready prey; and,
when they returned to France were decimated for their gallant
defence.  Where then is the glory arising from thence?'  -- After
denying his facts, `that the garrison was weak, wanted provisions,
made not a fortieth part of the resistance, were decimated,' &c. the
_New England_ men will ask this regular gentleman, If the place was
well fortified, and had (as it really had) a numerous garrison, was
it not at least _brave_ to attack it with a handful of raw
undisciplined militia?  If the garrison was, as you say, `sickly,
disgusted, destitute of provisions, and ready to become a prey,' was
it not _prudent_ to seize that opportunity, and put the nation in
possession of so important a fortress at so small an expence?  So
that if you will not allow the enterprize to be, as we think it was,
both _brave_ and _prudent_, ought you not at least to grant it was
_either one_ or _the other_?  But is there no merit on this score in
the people, who, tho' at first so greatly divided, as to the making
or forbearing the attempt, that it was carried in the affirmative, by
the small majority of _one_ vote only; yet when it was once resolved
on, _unanimously_ prosecuted the design (* 3), and prepared the means
with the greatest zeal and diligence; so that the whole equipment was
completely ready before the season would permit the execution?  Is
there no merit of praise in laying and executing their plan so well,
that, as you have confessed, not a _single part_ of it failed?  If
the plan was destitute of `propriety and wisdom,' would it not have
required the _sharp acute_ men of the _northern latitude_ to execute
it, that by supplying its deficiencies they might give it some chance
of success?  But if such `remarkably silly, simple, blundering
_Mar-plans_,' as you say we are, could execute _this plan_, so that
not a _single part_ of it failed, does it not at least show that the
plan itself must be laid with _some_ `wisdom and propriety?' -- Is
there no merit in the ardour with which all degrees and ranks of
people quitted their private affairs, and ranged themselves under the
banners of their King, for the honour, safety, and advantage of their
country (* 4)?  Is there no merit in the profound secrecy guarded by
a whole people, so that the enemy had not the least intelligence of
the design, till they saw the fleet of transports cover the sea
before their port? -- Is there none in the indefatigable labour the
troops went thro' during the siege, performing the duty both of men
and horses; the hardships they patiently suffered for want of tents
and other necessaries; the readiness with which they learnt to move,
direct, and manage cannon, raise batteries, and form approaches (*
5); the bravery with which they sustained sallies; and finally in
their consenting to stay and garrison the place after it was taken,
absent from their business and families, till troops could be brought
from England for that purpose, tho' they undertook the service on a
promise of being discharged as soon as it was over, were unprovided
for so long an absence, and actually suffered ten times more loss by
mortal sickness, thro' want of necessaries, than they suffered from
the arms of the enemy?  The nation, however, had a sense of this
undertaking different from the unkind one of this gentleman.  At the
treaty of peace, the possession of _Louisbourg_ was found of great
advantage to our affairs in _Europe_; and if the brave men that made
the acquisition for us were not _rewarded_, at least they were
_praised.  Envy_ may continue a while to cavil and detract, but
_public virtue_ will in the end obtain esteem; and honest
impartiality in this and future ages will not fail doing justice to
merit.

        Your _gentleman writer_ thus _decently_ goes on.  `The most
substantial men of most of the provinces are children or
grandchildren of those that came here at the King's expence, that is,
thieves, highwaymen, and robbers.' Being probably a military
gentleman, this, and therefore a person of nice honour, if any one
should tell him in the _plainest_ language, that what he here says is
an absolute falsehood, challenges and cutting of throats might
immediately ensue.  I shall therefore only refer him to _his own
account in this same letter_, of the _peopling_ of _New England_,
which he says, with more truth, was by _Puritans_ who fled thither
for shelter from the persecutions of Archbishop _Laud_.  Is there not
a wide difference between removing to a distant country to enjoy the
exercise of religion according to a man's conscience, and his being
transported thither by law as a punishment for his crimes?  This
contradiction we therefore leave the _gentleman_ and _himself_ to
settle as well as they can between them.  One would think from his
account, that the provinces were so many colonies from _Newgate_.
The truth is, not only _Laud_'s persecution, but the other publick
troubles in the following reigns, induc'd many thousand families to
leave _England_, and settle in the plantations.  During the
predominance of the parliament, many royalists removed or were
banished to _Virginia_ and _Barbadoes_, who afterwards spread into
the other settlements: The Catholics shelter'd themselves in
_Maryland_.  At the restoration, many of the depriv'd nonconformist
ministers with their families, friends and hearers, went over.
Towards the end of _Charles_ the Second's reign and during _James_
the Second's, the dissenters again flocked into _America_, driven by
persecution, and dreading the introduction of popery at home.  Then
the high price or reward of labour in the colonies, and want of
Artisans there, drew over many, as well as the occasion of commerce;
and when once people begin to migrate, every one has his little
sphere of acquaintance and connections, which he draws after him, by
invitation, motives of interest, praising his new settlement, and
other encouragements.  The `most substantial men' are descendants of
those early settlers; new comers not having yet had time to raise
estates.  The practice of sending convicts thither, is modern; and
the same indolence of temper and habits of idleness that make people
poor and tempt them to steal in _England_, continue with them when
they are sent to _America_, and must there have the same effects,
where all who live well owe their subsistence to labour and business,
and where it is a thousand times more difficult than here to acquire
wealth without industry.  Hence the instances of transported thieves
advancing their fortunes in the colonies are extreamly rare, if there
_really is_ a single instance of it, which I very much doubt; but of
their being advanc'd there to the gallows the instances are plenty.
Might they not as well have been hang'd at home? -- We call _Britain_
the _mother_ country; but what good mother besides, would introduce
thieves and criminals into the company of her children, to corrupt
and disgrace them? -- And how cruel is it, to force, by the high hand
of power, a particular country of your subjects, who have not
deserv'd such usage, to receive your outcasts, repealing all the laws
they make to prevent their admission, and then reproach them with the
detested mixture you have made.  `The emptying their jails into our
settlements (says a writer of that country) is an insult and
contempt, the cruellest perhaps that ever one people offered another;
and would not be equal'd even by emptying their jakes on our tables.'

        The letter I have been considering, Mr. _Chronicle_, is
follow'd by another, in your paper of Tuesday the 17th past, said to
be _from an officer who attended Brigadier General_ Forbes _in his
march from_ Philadelphia _to_ Fort Duquesne; but wrote probably by
the same gentleman who wrote the former, as it seems calculated to
raise the character of the officers of the _certain northern
latitude_, at the expence of the reputation of the colonies, and the
provincial forces.  According to this letter-writer, if the
_Pensilvanians_ granted large supplies, and raised a great body of
troops for the last campaign, it was not obedience to his Majesty's
commands, signified by his minister Mr. _Pitt_, zeal for the King's
service, or even a regard for their own safety; but it was owing to
the `General's proper management of the Quakers and other parties in
the province.' The withdrawing of the Indians from the French
interest by negotiating a peace, is all ascribed to the General, and
not a word said to the honour of the poor _Quakers_ who first set
those negotiations on foot, or of honest _Frederic Post_ that
compleated them with so much ability and success.  Even the little
merit of the Assembly's making a law to regulate carriages, is
imputed to the General's `multitude of letters.'  Then he tells us,
`innumerable scouting parties had been sent out during a long period,
both by the General and Colonel _Bouquet_, towards Fort _Duquesne_,
to catch a prisoner, if possible, for intelligence, but never got
any.' -- How happened that? -- Why, `It was the _Provincial troops_
that were constantly employed in that service,' and they, it seems,
never do any thing they are ordered to do. -- _That_, however, one
would think, might be easily remedied, by sending _Regulars_ with
them, who of course must command them, and may see that they do their
duty. _No; The Regulars are afraid of being shot by the Provincials
in a Panick_. -- Then send all Regulars. -- _Aye; That was what the
Colonel_ resolved _upon_. -- `Intelligence was now wanted.  (says the
letter-writer) Col. _Bouquet_, whose attention to business was [only]
very considerable [that is, _not quite so great_ as the General's,
for he was not of the _northern latitude_] was _determined_ to send
NO MORE Provincials a scouting.' -- And how did he execute this
determination?  Why, by sending `Major _Grant_ of the Highlanders,
with _seven_ hundred men, _three_ hundred of them Highlanders, THE
REST _Americans_, _Virginians_, and _Pensilvanians_!' No _blunder_
this, in our writer; but a _misfortune_; and he is nevertheless one
of those _`acute sharp'_ men who are _`fit for learning!'_ -- And how
did this Major and seven hundred men succeed in catching the
prisoner? -- Why, their `march to Fort Duquesne was _so conducted_
that the _surprize_ was _compleat_.'  -- Perhaps you may imagine,
gentle reader, that this was a surprize of the enemy. -- No such
matter.  They knew every step of his motions, and had, every man of
them, left their fires and huts in the fields, and retired into the
fort. -- But the Major and his 700 men, _they_ were _surprized_;
first to find no body there at night; and next to find themselves
surrounded and cut to pieces in the morning; two or three hundred
being killed, drowned, or taken prisoners, and among the latter the
Major himself.  Those who escaped were also _surprized_ at their own
good fortune; and the whole army was _surprized_ at the Major's bad
management.  Thus the _surprize_ was indeed _compleat_; -- but not
the disgrace; for _Provincials were there_ to lay the blame on.  The
_misfortune_ (we must not call it _misconduct_) of the Major was
owing, it seems, to an un-named and perhaps unknown _Provincial_
officer, who, it is said, `disobeyed his orders and quitted his
post.' Whence a formal conclusion is drawn, `That a Planter is not to
be taken from the plow and made an officer in a day.' -- Unhappy
_Provincials_!  If _success_ attends where you are joined with the
Regulars, they claim all the honour, tho' not a tenth part of your
number.  If _disgrace_, it is all yours, though you happen to be but
a small part of the whole, and have not the command; as if Regulars
were in their nature invincible, when not mix'd with Provincials, and
Provincials of no kind of value without Regulars!  Happy is it for
you that you were present neither at _Preston-Pans_ nor _Falkirk_, at
the faint attempt against _Rochfort_, the route of _St. Cas_, or the
hasty retreat from _Martinico_.  Every thing that went wrong, or did
not go right, would have been ascribed to you.  Our commanders would
have been saved the labour of writing long apologies for their
conduct.  It might have been sufficient to say, _Provincials were
with us!_

        But these remarks, which we only suppose may be made by the
provok'd provincials, are probably too severe.  The generals, even
those who have been recall'd, had in several respects great merit, as
well as many of the officers of the same nation that remain, which
the cool discreet part of the provincials will readily allow.  They
are not insensible of the worth and bravery of the _British_ troops
in general, honour them for the amazing valour they manifested at the
landing on _Cape Breton_, the prudence and military skill they show'd
in the siege and reduction of _Louisburg_, and their good conduct on
other occasions; and can make due allowance for mistakes naturally
arising where even the best men are engag'd in a new kind of war,
with a new and strange enemy, and in a country different from any
they had before experienc'd.  Lord HOWE was their darling
(* 6), and others might be nam'd who are
growing daily in their esteem and admiration. -- There are also among
the regular officers, men of sentiments, concerning the colonies,
more generous and more just than those express'd by these
letter-writers; who can see faults even in their own corps, and who
can allow the Provincials their share of merit; who feel pleasure as
_Britons_, in observing that the _children_ of _Britain_ retain their
native intrepidity to the third and fourth generation in the regions
of _America_; together with that ardent love of liberty and zeal in
its defence, which in every age has distinguish'd their progenitors
among the rest of mankind. -- To conclude, in all countries, all
nations, and all armies, there is, and will be a mixture of
characters, a medley of brave men, fools, wise-men and cowards.
National reflections being general, are therefore unjust.  But
panegyrics, tho' they should be too general, cannot offend the
subjects of them.  I shall therefore boldly say, that the _English_
are brave and wise; the _Scotch_ are brave and wise; and the people
of the _British_ colonies, proceeding from both nations -- I would
say the same of them, if it might not be thought vanity in Your
humble servant, May 9, 1759.  _A New Englandman_.

_The London Chronicle_, May 12, 1759

(* 1) Colonel _Bradstreet_.

(* 2) Colonel _Armstrong_ of _Pensilvania_.

(* 3) `As the Massachuset's assembly at first entered into the
expedition upon the _coolest deliberation_, so did they on the other
hand exert themselves with _uncommon vigour_ in the persecution of
it.  As soon as the point was carried for undertaking it, EVERY
MEMBER which had opposed it _gave up his own private judgment_ to the
public voice, and _vied_ with those who had voted for the expedition,
in encouraging the enlistment of the troops, and forwarding the
preparations for the attempt.' _Memoirs of the last War_, p. 41.

(* 4) `The bounty, pay, and other encouragements, allowed by the
Massachuset's government to both officers and men, especially the
former, was but small; but the _spirit_ which reigned thro' the
province supplied the want of that; the complement of troops was soon
inlisted; not only the officers, who served in this enterprize, were
gentlemen of considerable property, but most of the non-commission'd
officers, and many of the private men, had valuable freeholds, and
entered into the service upon the same principles that the old
_Roman_ citizens in the first Consular armies used to do.' _Memoirs
of the last War_, p. 41.

        To which I may add, that instances of the same noble spirit are
not uncommon in all the other colonies; where men have entered into
the service not for the sake of the pay, for their own affairs in
their absence suffer more by far than its value; not in hopes of
preferment in the army, for the Provincials are shut out from such
expectations, their own forces being always disbanded on a peace, and
the vacancies among the Regulars filled with _Europeans_; but merely
from _public spirit_ and a sense of duty.  Among many others, give me
leave to name Col. PETER SCHUYLER of _New Jersey_; who, though a
gentleman of a considerable independent fortune, has, both in the
last and present war, quitted that domestic ease and quiet which such
affluence afforded, to take upon him the command of his country's
forces, and by his example animated the soldiery to undergo the
greatest fatigues and hardships: And who when a prisoner in _Canada_
for fifteen months, did, during the whole time, generously make use
of his own credit to relieve such _British_ subjects as unhappily
fell into the hands of the enemy. -- Not to mention his advancing his
own private fortune towards paying the forces, raised during last war
in _America_ by order of the crown; when, by the continued delays in
sending the money from _England_ for that purpose, it was generally
doubted whether it would ever be sent, and the common soldiers were
therefore, from necessity, on the point of quitting his Majesty's
service in a body.  An event which must at that time have been
attended with very fatal consequences; and would not have been
prevented, had not he risqued so considerable a part of his
substance.

(* 5) `The _New England_ troops, within the compass of 23 days from
the time of their first landing, erected five fascine batteries
against the town, mounted with cannon of 42 lb. 22 lb. and 18 lb.
shot, mortars of 13, 11, and 9 inches diameter, with some cohorns;
all which were transported _by hand_, with incredible labour and
difficulty, most of them above two miles; all the ground over which
they were drawn, except small patches or hills of rocks, was a _deep
morass_, in which, whilst the cannon were upon wheels, they several
times sunk so deep, as not only to bury the carriages, but their
whole bodies.  Horses and oxen could not be employed in this service,
but all must be drawn by men, up to the knees in mud; the nights, in
which the work was done, were cold and foggy, their tents bad, there
being no proper materials for tents to be had in New England at the
outset of the expedition.  But notwithstanding these difficulties,
and many of the men's being taken down with fluxes, so that at one
time there were 1500 incapable of duty, they went on _without being
discouraged or murmuring_, and transported the cannon over those
ways, which the French had always thought impassable for such heavy
weights; and besides this, they had all their provisions and heavy
ammunition, which they daily made use of, to bring from the camp over
the same way upon their backs.' _Memoirs of the last war in America_,
page 52.

(* 6) The assembly of the _Massachusets-Bay_ have voted a sum of
money for erecting a monument in _Westminster-Abbey_, to the memory
of that Nobleman, as a testimony of their veneration for his virtues.
-- A proof that their sense of merit is not narrow'd to a country.

        _A Description of Those, Who, at Any Rate, Would Have a Peace
with France_

        The two prevailing motives among us, which strongly bias great
numbers of people, at this time, to wish for a peace with _France_,
let the terms be ever so dishonourable, ever so disadvantageous, or
likely to prove of ever so short a duration, are Power and
Self-interest.

        As to the First, there is a set of men, who have been so long
used to Power, that it is become part of their constitution; and if
they cannot preserve it, they and their Dependants must linger and
pine away.  They find plainly, that whatever they have undertaken has
succeeded so ill, that, instead of their gaining the people's
Applause and Confidence, They become every day more and more
Obnoxious and Contemptible: And they perceive, on the other hand,
that such part of the Administration, in which they have had no
share, has been so well understood and conducted, that such general
Satisfaction has been given throughout the whole kingdom, as reflects
highly on the want of Integrity and Capacity in those who have gone
before.  No wonder therefore, if such men should be desirous of peace
at any rate, so it lasts their time; that the frequent scenes of
Honour to others, and Dishonour to themselves, may not haunt them any
more: And, especially being sensible the National Credit has been
strained to such a degree by their extravagant plan of Dissipation,
as to render it necessary for the Publick Accounts being taken, as
was so frequently and honestly done during the reigns of King William
and Queen Anne, even at the Minister's own desire.

        The latter are those who are engaged in our Public Funds, and
are impatient to have them rise, AND THOSE (IN NO SMALL NUMBER) WHO
HAVE SO INFAMOUSLY LENT THEIR MONEY TO THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT:
Merchants who are concerned in branches of Commerce and of Business,
which they imagine will improve upon their hands, in case of a Peace:
other Mercantile People, who have their prospects of advantage, upon
the conclusion of a Peace; such for example, who think we shall hold
some of our conquests, which of course will give room for new
Settlements; and some who have prospects of Places in such new
Settlements: Some who have formed to themselves agreeable plans, for
striking into new Branches of Trade: Many Country Gentlemen and
others, who wouldn't perhaps be sorry for a Peace, in hopes of being
eas'd in their taxes: And lastly, there are very few Roman Catholicks
in the Kingdom, but would rejoice at a Peace, at any rate.

        It is a melancholy Reflection, that there should be among us
such selfish wretches, and such enemies to their Country, who had
rather see it sink, a while hence, and its bitterest enemies triumph,
than that their present lust for Power, and their sordid Views,
should not be gratified; And that there should be those, who are
striving to diminish the Importance of every conquest we make, that
the people mayn't grow too fond of keeping them; and even go so far,
as to propagate the very Nonsensical Language of MAUBERT; viz. THE
ENGLISH _will persevere in their conquests till they draw all the
Powers of Europe upon their backs_.

        Such is the true Picture of those, who, on such infamous Terms,
wou'd sell advantages their Country has obtained, at the expence of
so much blood and treasure, over their most Inveterate and most
Treacherous enemies.  _London, Nov._ 24.

_The London Chronicle_, November 24, 1759

        _Humourous Reasons for Restoring Canada_

        _Mr. Chronicle,_ We Britons are a nation of statesmen and
politicians; we are privy councellors by birthright; and therefore
take it much amiss when we are told by some of your correspondents,
`that it is not proper to expose to public view the many good reasons
there are for restoring Canada,' _(if we reduce it.)_

        I have, with great industry, been able to procure a full
account of those reasons, and shall make no secret of them among
ourselves.  Here they are. -- Give them to all your readers; that is,
to all that can read, in the King's dominions.

        1. We should restore Canada; because an uninterrupted trade
with the Indians throughout a vast country, where the communication
by water is so easy, would encrease our commerce, _already too
great_, and occasion a large additional demand for our manufactures,
(* 1) _already too dear_.

(* 1) Every Indian now wears a woollen blanket, a linnen shirt, and
cloth stockings; besides a knife, a hatchet and a gun; and they use a
variety of other European and Indian goods, which they pay for in
skins and furs.

        2. We should restore it, lest, thro' a greater plenty of
beaver, broad-brimmed hats become cheaper to that unmannerly sect,
the Quakers.

        3. We should restore Canada, that we may _soon_ have a new war,
and another opportunity of spending two or three millions a year in
America; there being great danger of our growing too rich, our
European expences not being sufficient to drain our immense
treasures.

        4. We should restore it, that we may have occasion constantly
to employ, in time of war, a fleet and army in those parts; for
otherwise we might be too strong at home.

        5. We should restore it, that the French may, by means of their
Indians, carry on, (as they have done for these 100 years past even
in times of peace between the two crowns) a constant scalping war
against our colonies, and thereby stint their growth; for, otherwise,
the children might in time be as tall as their mother (* 2).

(* 2) This reason is seriously given by some who do not wish well to
the Colonies: But, is it not too like the Egyptian Politics practised
by Pharoah, destroying the young males to prevent the increase of the
children of Israel?
 
        6. What tho' the blood of thousands of unarmed English farmers,
surprized and assassinated in their fields; of harmless women and
children murdered in their beds; doth at length call for vengeance;
-- what tho' the Canadian measure of iniquity be full, and if ever
any country did, that country now certainly does, deserve the
judgment of _extirpation_; -- yet let not us be the executioners of
Divine justice; -- it will look as if Englishmen were revengeful.

        7. Our colonies, 'tis true, have exerted themselves beyond
their strength, on the expectations we gave them of driving the
French from Canada; but tho' we ought to keep faith with our Allies,
it is not necessary with our children.  That might teach them
(against Scripture) to _put their trust in Princes_: Let 'em learn to
trust in God.

        8. Should we not restore Canada, it would look as if our
statesmen had _courage_ as well as our soldiers; but what have
statesmen to do with _courage_?  Their proper character is _wisdom_.

        9. What can be _braver_, than to show all Europe we can afford
to lavish our best blood as well as our treasure, in conquests we do
not intend to keep?  Have we not plenty of _Howe's_, and _Wolfe's_,
&c. &c. &c. in every regiment?

        10. The French have long since openly declar'd, _'que les
Anglois & les Fransois sont incompatible dans cette partie de
l'Amerique;'_ 'that our people and theirs were incompatible in that
part of the continent of America:' _`que rien n'etoit plus important
a l'etat, que de delivrer leur colonie du facheux voisinage des
Anglois;'_ `that nothing was of more importance to France, than
delivering its colony from the troublesome neighbourhood of the
English;' to which end, there was an avowed project on foot _`pour
chasser premierement les Anglois de la Nouvelle York;'_ `to drive the
English in the first place out of the province of New York;' _`&
apres la prise de la capitale, il falloit_ (says the scheme) _la_
BRULER & RUINER _le pays jusqu' a Orange;'_ `and after taking the
capital, to _burn it_, and _ruin_ (that is, _make a desart_ of) the
whole country, quite up to Albany.' Now, if we do not fairly leave
the French in Canada, till they have a favourable opportunity of
putting their _burning_ and _ruining_ schemes in execution, will it
not look as if we were afraid of them?

        11. Their historian, Charlevoix, in his IVth book, also tells
us, that when Canada was formerly taken by the English, it was a
question at the court of France, whether they should endeavour to
recover it; for, says he, _`bien de gens douterent si l'on avoit fait
une veritable perte;'_ `many thought it was not really a loss.' But
tho' various reasons were given why it was scarce worth recovering,
_`le seul motive_ (says he) _d'empecher les Anglois de se rendre trop
puissans -- atoit plus que suffissant pour nous engager a recouvrer
Quebec, a quelque prix que ce fut;'_ `the single motive of preventing
the increase of _English_ power, was more than sufficient to engage
us in recovering Quebec, _what price soever it might cost us_.' Here
we see the high value they put on that country, and the reason of
their valuing it so highly.  Let us then, _oblige them_ in this (to
them) so important an article, and be assured they will _never prove
ungrateful_.

        I will not dissemble, Mr. _Chronicle_; that in answer to all
these reasons and motives for restoring Canada, I have heard one that
appears to have some weight on the other side of the question.  It is
said, that nations, as well as private persons, should, for their
honour's sake, take care to preserve a _consistence of character_:
that it has always been the character of the English to fight
strongly, and negotiate weakly; generally agreeing to restore, at a
peace, what they ought to have kept, and to keep what they had better
have restored: then, if it would really, according to the preceding
reasons, be prudent and right to restore Canada, we ought, say these
objectors, to keep it; otherwise _we shall be inconsistent with
ourselves._ I shall not take upon myself to weigh these different
reasons, but offer the whole to the consideration of the public.
Only permit me to suggest, that there is one method of avoiding
fairly all future dispute about the propriety of _keeping_ or
_restoring_ Canada; and that is, _let us never take it._ The French
still hold out at Montreal and Trois Rivieres, in hopes of succour
from France.  Let us be but _a little too late_ with our ships in the
river St. Laurence, so that the enemy may get their supplies up next
spring, as they did the last, with reinforcements sufficient to
enable them to recover Quebec, and there is an end of the question.
I am, Sir, Yours, &c.  A. Z.

_The London Chronicle_, December 27, 1759

        _The Jesuit Campanella's Means of Disposing the Enemy to Peace_

_To the Printer of the London Chronicle_.

        SIR, I send you for your excellent Paper, an extract from the
famous Jesuit _Campanella_'s discourses address'd to the King of
_Spain_, intituled, _Of the Meanes of extending the Greatnesse of
the_ Spanish _Monarchie_.  The language is a little antiquated, being
the old translation in the edition of 1629; but the matter contain'd
is so _apropos_ to our present situation (only changing _Spain_ for
_France_) that I think it well worth the attention of the Publick at
this critical conjuncture, as it discovers the arts of our enemies,
and may therefore help in some degree to put us on our guard against
them.  After discoursing largely on the wars to be made, particularly
against _England_ and _Holland_, the conquests to be attempted, and
the various means of securing them when gained, he comes to his

        CHAP. XIV.  _Of the Meanes of disposing the Enemie to Peace_.
`WARRES, with whatsoever prudence undertaken and conducted, do not
always succeed; many thinges out of mans power to governe, such as
dearthe of provisions, tempests, pestilence, and the like, oftentimes
interfering, and totally overthrowing the best designes; so that
these enemies  of our Monarchie, though apparent lie at first
the weaker, may, by disastrous events of warre on our part, become
the stronger; and though not in such degree as to endanger the bodie
of this great kingdome, yet, by their greater power of shipping and
aptness in sea-affaires, to be able to cut off, if I may so speak,
some of its smaller limbes and members, that, being remote therefrom,
are not easilie defended; to wit, our islands and colonies in the
Indies; thereby however depriving the bodie of its wonted
nourishment, so that it must thenceforthe languish and grow weake, if
those parts be not recovered, which possibly may, by continuance of
warre, be found unlikely to be done.  And the enemie, puffed up with
their successes, and hoping still for more, may not be disposed to
peace on such termes as would be suitable to the honour of your
Majestie, and to the welfare of your State and Subjectes.  In such
case, the following meanes may have good effect.

        `It is well known, that these northerne people, though hardie
of bodie, and bold in fight, be neverthelesse, through over-much
eating and other intemperance, slowe of wit and dull in
understanding, so that they be oftimes more easilie to be governed
and turned by skille than by force.  There is therefore always hope,
that by wise counsel and dextrous management, those advantages which
through cross accidents in warre have been lost, may again with
honour be recovered.  In this place I shall say little of the power
of money secretly distributed amongst grandees or their friends or
mistresses, that method being in all ages known and practised.  If
the _minds_ of enemies can be _changed_, they may be brought to grant
willingly and for nothing, what much golde would scarce lie have
otherwise prevailed to obtaine.  Yet as the procuring this change is
to be by fitte instruments, some few doublones will not unprofitablie
be disbursed by your Majestie; the manner whereof I shall now
brieflie recite.

        `In those countries, and particularly in England, there are not
wanting men of learning, ingenious speakers and writers, who are
neverthelesse in lowe estate and pinched by fortune; these being
privatelie gained by proper meanes, must be instructed in their
sermons, discourses, writings, poems and songs, to handle and
specially inculcate points like these which followe.  Let them
magnify the blessings of peace and enlarge mightily thereon, which is
not unbecoming grave Divines and other Christian men; let them
expatiate on the miseries of warre, the waste of Christian bloode,
the growing scarcitie of labourers and workmen, the dearness of all
foreign wares and merchandises, the interruption of commerce by the
captures or delay of ships, the increase and great burthen of taxes,
and the impossibilitie of supplying much longer the expence of the
contest; -- let them represent the warre as an unmeasurable advantage
to particulars, and to particulars only (thereby to excite envie
against those that manage and provide for the same) while so
prejudicial to the Commonweale and people in general: let them
represent the advantages gained against us as trivial and of little
import; the places taken from us as of small trade or produce,
inconvenient for situation, unwholesome for ayre and climate, useless
to their nations, and greatly chargeable to keepe, draining the home
Countries both of men and money: let them urge, that if a peace be
forced on us, and those places withheld, it will nourishe secret
griefe and malice in the King and Grandees of Spain, which will ere
long breake forthe in new warres, wherein those places may again be
retaken, and lost without the merit and grace of restoring them
willingly for peace-sake: -- let them represent the making and
continuance of warres from view of gaine, to be base and unworthie a
brave people; as those made from view of ambition are mad and wicked;
and let them insinuate that the continuance of the present warre on
their parte, when peace is offered, hath these ingredients strongly
in its nature.  Then let them magnifie the great power of your
Majestie, and the strength of your kingdome, the inexhaustible
wealthe of your mines, the greatness of your incomes, and thence your
abilitie of continuing the warre; hinting withal, the new alliances
you may possibly make; at the same time setting forth the sincere
disposition you have for peace, and that it is only a concerne for
your honour and the honour of your realme, that induceth you to
insist on the restitution of the places taken. -- If with all this
they shrewdly intimate and cause it to be understood by artefull
words, and beleeved, that their own Prince is himself in heart for
peace on your Majesties termes, and grieved at the obstinacie and
perverseness of those among his people that be for continuing the
warre, a marvellous effect shall by these discourses and writings be
produced; and a wonderful strong party shall your Majestie raise
among your enemies in favour of the peace you desire; insomuch that
their own Princes and wisest Councellours will in a sort be
constrained to yeald thereto.  For in this warre of words, the
avarice and ambition, the hopes and fears, and all the croud of human
passions, will, in the minds of your enemies, be raised, armed, and
put in array, to fight for your interests, against the reall and
substantiall interest of their own countries.  The simple and
undiscerning many, shall be carried away by the plausibilitie and
well-seeming of these discourses; and the opinions becoming popular,
all the rich men, who have great possessions, and fear the
continuance of taxes, and hope peace will end them, shall be
imboldened thereby to cry aloud for peace; -- their dependents who
are many, must do the same: all marchants, fearing loss of ships and
greater burthens on trade by farther duties and subsidies, and hoping
greater profittes by the ending of the warre, shall join in the cry
for peace: All the usurers and lenders of monies to the State, who on
a peace hope great profit from their bargaines, and fear if the warre
be continued, the State shall become bankeroute, and unable to pay
them; these, who have no small weight, shall joine the cry for peace:
-- All the gowne and booke-statesmen, who maligne the bold conductors
of the warre, and envie the glorie they may have thereby obtained;
these shall cry aloud for peace; hoping, that when the Warre shall
cease, such men becoming less necessarie shall be more lightelie
esteemed, and themselves more sought after: -- All the officers of
the enemies armies and fleets, who wish for repose, and to enjoy
their spoiles, salaries, or rewards, in quietness, and without peril,
these, and their friends and families, who desire their safetie, and
the solace of their societie, shall all cry for peace: -- All those
who be timorous by nature, amongst whom be reckoned men of learning
that lead sedentarie lives, using little exercise of bodie, and
thence obtaining but few and weake spirits; great Statesmen, whose
natural spirits be exhausted by much thinking, or depress'd by
over-much feasting; together with all women, whose power, weake as
they are, is not a little among such men; these shall incessantly
speake for peace: And finallie, all Courtiers, who suppose they
conforme thereby to the inclinations of the Prince; all who are _in_
places of profit, and fear to lose them, or hope for better; all who
are _out_ of places, and hope to obtain them; all the worldly-minded
clergie, who seeke preferment; these, with all the weight of their
character and influence, shall joine the cry for peace, till it
becomes one universal clamour, and no sound but that of _Peace,
Peace, Peace,_ shall be heard from every quarter.  Then shall your
Majesties termes of peace be listened to with much readiness, the
places taken from you be willingly restored, and your kingdome,
recovering its strength, shall only need to waite a few years for
more favourable occasions, when the advantages to your power proposed
by beginning the warre, but lost by its bad successe, shall, with
better fortune, be finallie obtained.'

        What effect the artifices here recommended might have had in
the times when this Jesuit wrote, I cannot pretend to say; but I
believe, the present age being more enlightened, and our people
better acquainted than formerly with our true national interests,
such arts can now hardly prove so generally successful: For we may
with pleasure observe, and to the honour of the British people, that
though writings and discourses like these have lately not been
wanting, yet few in any of the classes he particularises seem to be
affected by them; but all ranks and degrees among us persist hitherto
in declaring for a vigorous prosecution of the war, in preference to
an unsafe, disadvantageous peace.

        Yet, as a little change of fortune may make such writings more
attended to, and give them greater weight, I think the publication of
this piece, as it shows the spring from whence these scribblers draw
their poisoned waters, may be of publick utility.  I am, Sir, yours,
&c.  A BRITON.

_The London Chronicle_, August 13, 1761

        _A Narrative of the Late Massacres, in Lancaster County, of a
Number of Indians, Friends of this Province, by Persons Unknown_

WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SAME

        These _Indians_ were the Remains of a Tribe of the _Six
Nations_, settled at _Conestogoe_, and thence called _Conestogoe
Indians._ On the first Arrival of the _English_ in _Pennsylvania_,
Messengers from this Tribe came to welcome them, with Presents of
Venison, Corn and Skins; and the whole Tribe entered into a Treaty of
Friendship with the first Proprietor, WILLIAM PENN, which was to last
"as long as the Sun should shine, or the Waters run in the Rivers."

        This Treaty has been since frequently renewed, and the _Chain
brightened_, as they express it, from time to time.  It has never
been violated, on their Part or ours, till now.  As their Lands by
Degrees were mostly purchased, and the Settlements of the White
People began to surround them, the Proprietor assigned them Lands on
the Manor of _Conestogoe_, which they might not part with; there they
have lived many Years in Friendship with their White Neighbours, who
loved them for their peaceable inoffensive Behaviour.

        It has always been observed, that _Indians_, settled in the
Neighbourhood of White People, do not increase, but diminish
continually.  This Tribe accordingly went on diminishing, till there
remained in their Town on the Manor, but 20 Persons, _viz._ 7 Men, 5
Women, and 8 Children, Boys and Girls.

        Of these, _Shehaes_ was a very old Man, having assisted at the
second Treaty held with them, by Mr. PENN, in 1701, and ever since
continued a faithful and affectionate Friend to the _English_; he is
said to have been an exceeding good Man, considering his Education,
being naturally of a most kind benevolent Temper.

        _Peggy_ was _Shehaes_'s Daughter; she worked for her aged
Father, continuing to live with him, though married, and attended him
with filial Duty and Tenderness.

        _John_ was another good old Man; his Son _Harry_ helped to
support him.

 
        _George_ and _Will Soc_ were two Brothers, both young Men.

        _John Smith_, a valuable young Man, of the _Cayuga_ Nation, who
became acquainted with _Peggy_, _Shehaes_'s Daughter, some few Years
since, married her, and settled in that Family.  They had one Child,
about three Years old.

        _Betty_, a harmless old Woman; and her Son _Peter_, a likely
young Lad.

        _Sally_, whose _Indian_ Name was _Wyanjoy_, a Woman much
esteemed by all that knew her, for her prudent and good Behaviour in
some very trying Situations of Life.  She was a truly good and an
amiable Woman, had no Children of her own, but a distant Relation
dying, she had taken a Child of that Relation's, to bring up as her
own, and performed towards it all the Duties of an affectionate
Parent.

        The Reader will observe, that many of their Names are
_English_.  It is common with the _Indians_ that have an Affection
for the _English_, to give themselves, and their Children, the Names
of such _English_ Persons as they particularly esteem.

        This little Society continued the Custom they had begun, when
more numerous, of addressing every new Governor, and every Descendant
of the first Proprietor, welcoming him to the Province, assuring him
of their Fidelity, and praying a Continuance of that Favour and
Protection they had hitherto experienced.  They had accordingly sent
up an Address of this Kind to our present Governor, on his Arrival;
but the same was scarce delivered, when the unfortunate Catastrophe
happened, which we are about to relate.

        On _Wednesday_, the 14th of _December_, 1763, Fifty-seven Men,
from some of our Frontier Townships, who had projected the
Destruction of this little Common-wealth, came, all well-mounted, and
armed with Firelocks, Hangers and Hatchets, having travelled through
the Country in the Night, to _Conestogoe_ Manor.  There they
surrounded the small Village of _Indian_ Huts, and just at Break of
Day broke into them all at once.  Only three Men, two Women, and a
young Boy, were found at home, the rest being out among the
neighbouring White People,some to sell the Baskets, Brooms and Bowls
they manufactured, and others on other Occasions.  These poor
defenceless Creatures were immediately fired upon, stabbed and
hatcheted to Death!  The good _Shehaes_, among the rest, cut to
Pieces in his Bed.  All of them were scalped, and otherwise horribly
mangled.  Then their Huts were set on Fire, and most of them burnt
down.  When the Troop, pleased with their own Conduct and Bravery,
but enraged that any of the poor _Indians_ had escaped the Massacre,
rode off, and in small Parties, by different Roads, went home.

        The universal Concern of the neighbouring White People on
hearing of this Event, and the Lamentations of the younger _Indians_,
when they returned and saw the Desolation, and the butchered
half-burnt Bodies of their murdered Parents, and other Relations,
cannot well be expressed.

        The Magistrates of _Lancaster_ sent out to collect the
remaining _Indians_, brought them into the Town for their better
Security against any farther Attempt; and it is said condoled with
them on the Misfortune that had happened, took them by the Hand,
comforted and _promised them Protection_. -- They were all put into
the Workhouse, a strong Building, as the Place of greatest Safety.

        When the shocking News arrived in Town, a Proclamation was
issued by the Governor, in the following Terms, _viz_.

        "WHEREAS I have received Information, That on _Wednesday_, the
Fourteenth Day of this Month, a Number of People, armed, and mounted
on Horseback, unlawfully assembled together, and went to the _Indian_
Town in the _Conestogoe_ Manor, in _Lancaster_ County, and without
the least Reason or Provocation, in cool Blood, barbarously killed
six of the _Indians_ settled there, and burnt and destroyed all their
Houses and Effects: And whereas so cruel and inhuman an Act,
committed in the Heart of this Province on the said _Indians_, who
have lived peaceably and inoffensively among us, during all our late
Troubles, and for many Years before, and were justly considered as
under the Protection of this Government and its Laws, calls loudly
for the vigorous Exertion of the civil Authority, to detect the
Offenders, and bring them to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by
and with the Advice and Consent of the Council, thought fit to issue
this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge and enjoin all
Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers Civil and Military,
and all other His Majesty's liege Subjects within this Province, to
make diligent Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Perpetrators
of the said Crime, their Abettors and Accomplices, and to use all
possible Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the publick
Goals of this Province,that they may be brought to their Trials, and
be proceeded against according to Law.

        "And whereas a Number of other _Indians_, who lately lived on
or near the Frontiers of this Province, being willing and desirous to
preserve and continue the ancient Friendship which heretofore
subsisted between them and the good People of this Province, have, at
their own earnest Request, been removed from their Habitations, and
brought into the County of _Philadelphia_, and seated, for the
present, for their better Security, on the _Province-Island_, and in
other Places in the Neighbourhood of the City of _Philadelphia_,
where Provision is made for them at the public Expence; I do
therefore hereby strictly forbid all Persons whatsoever, to molest or
injure any of the said _Indians_, as they will answer the contrary at
their Peril.

        _GIVEN under my Hand,and the Great Seal of the said Province,
at_ Philadelphia, _the Twenty-second Day of_ December, Anno Domini
_One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-three, and in the Fourth Year
of His Majesty's Reign._ JOHN PENN."

_By His Honour's Command,_
JOSEPH SHIPPEN, _jun. Secretary._
GOD Save the KING.

        Notwithstanding this Proclamation, those cruel Men again
assembled themselves, and hearing that the remaining fourteen
_Indians_ were in the Work-house at _Lancaster_, they suddenly
appeared in that Town, on the 27th of _December_.  Fifty of them,
armed as before, dismounting, went directly to the Work-house, and by
Violence broke open the Door, and entered with the utmost Fury in
their Countenances. -- When the poor Wretches saw they had _no
Protection_ nigh, nor could possibly escape, and being without the
least Weapon for Defence, they divided into their little Families,
the Children clinging to the Parents; they fell on their Knees,
protested their Innocence, declared their Love to the _English_, and
that, in their whole Lives, they had never done them Injury; and in
this Posture they all received the Hatchet! -- Men, Women and little
Children -- were every one inhumanly murdered! -- in cold Blood!

        The barbarous Men who committed the atrocious Fact, in Defiance
of Government, of all Laws human and divine, and to the eternal
Disgrace of their Country and Colour, then mounted their Horses,
huzza'd in Triumph, as if they had gained a Victory, and rode off --
_unmolested!_

        The Bodies of the Murdered were then brought out and exposed in
the Street, till a Hole could be made in the Earth, to receive and
cover them.

        But the Wickedness cannot be covered, the Guilt will lie on the
whole Land, till Justice is done on the Murderers.  THE BLOOD OF THE
INNOCENT WILL CRY TO HEAVEN FOR VENGEANCE.

        It is said that _Shehaes_, being before told, that it was to be
feared some _English_ might come from the Frontier into the Country,
and murder him and his People; he replied, "It is impossible: There
are _Indians_, indeed, in the Woods, who would kill me and mine, if
they could get at us, for my Friendship to the _English_; but the
_English_ will wrap me in their Matchcoat, and secure me from all
Danger." How unfortunately was he mistaken!

        Another Proclamation has been issued, offering a great Reward
for apprehending the Murderers, in the following Terms, _viz._

        "WHEREAS on the Twenty-second Day of _December_ last, I issued
a Proclamation for the apprehending and bringing to Justice, a Number
of Persons, who, in Violation of the Public Faith, and in Defiance of
all Law, had inhumanly killed six of the _Indians_, who had lived in
_Conestogoe_ Manor, for the Course of many Years, peaceably and
inoffensively, under the Protection of this Government, on Lands
assigned to them for their Habitation; notwithstanding which, I have
received Information, that on the Twenty-seventh of the same Month, a
large Party of armed Men again assembled and met together in a
riotous and tumultuous Manner, in the County of _Lancaster_, and
proceeded to the Town of _Lancaster_, where they violently broke open
the Work-house, and butchered and put to Death fourteen of the said
_Conestogoe Indians_, Men, Women and Children, who had been taken
under the immediate Care and Protection of the Magistrates of the
said County, and lodged for their better Security in the said
Work-house, till they should be more effectually provided for by
Order of the Government.  And whereas common Justice loudly demands,
and the Laws of the Land (upon the Preservation of which not only the
Liberty and Security of every Individual, but the Being of the
Government itself depend) require that the above Offenders should be
brought to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by and with the
Advice of the Council, published this Proclamation, and do hereby
strictly charge and command all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs,
Constables, Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty's
faithful and liege Subjects within this Province, to make diligent
Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Perpetrators of the said
last mentioned Offence, their Abettors and Accomplices, and that they
use all possible Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the
public Goals of this Province, to be dealt with according to Law.

        "And I do hereby further promise and engage, that any Person or
Persons, who shall apprehend and secure, or cause to be apprehended
and secured, any Three of the Ringleaders of the said Party, and
prosecute them to Conviction, shall have and receive for each, the
public Reward of _Two Hundred Pounds_; and any Accomplice, not
concerned in the immediate shedding the Blood of the said _Indians_,
who shall make Discovery of any or either of the said Ringleaders,
and apprehend and prosecute them to Conviction, shall, over and above
the said Reward, have all the Weight and Influence of the Government,
for obtaining His Majesty's Pardon for his Offence.

        _GIVEN under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said Province,
at_ Philadelphia_, the Second Day of_ January, _in the _Fourth Year
of His Majesty's Reign, and in the Year of our Lord One Thousand
Seven Hundred and Sixty-four._ JOHN PENN."

_By His Honour's Command,_
JOSEPH SHIPPEN, _jun. Secretary._
GOD Save the KING.

        These Proclamations have as yet produced no Discovery; the
Murderers having given out such Threatenings against those that
disapprove their Proceedings, that the whole County seems to be in
Terror, and no one durst speak what he knows; even the Letters from
thence are unsigned, in which any Dislike is expressed of the
Rioters.

        There are some (I am ashamed to hear it) who would extenuate
the enormous Wickedness of these Actions, by saying, "The Inhabitants
of the Frontiers are exasperated with the Murder of their Relations,
by the Enemy _Indians_, in the present War." It is possible; -- but
though this might justify their going out into the Woods, to seek for
those Enemies, and avenge upon them those Murders; it can never
justify their turning in to the Heart of the Country, to murder their
Friends.

        If an _Indian_ injures me, does it follow that I may revenge
that Injury on all _Indians_?  It is well known that _Indians_ are of
different Tribes, Nations and Languages, as well as the White People.
In _Europe_, if the _French_, who are White People, should injure the
_Dutch_, are they to revenge it on the _English_, because they too
are White People?  The only Crime of these poor Wretches seems to
have been, that they had a reddish brown Skin, and black Hair; and
some People of that Sort, it seems, had murdered some of our
Relations.  If it be right to kill Men for such a Reason, then,
should any Man, with a freckled Face and red Hair, kill a Wife or
Child of mine, it would be right for me to revenge it, by killing all
the freckled red-haired Men, Women and Children, I could afterwards
any where meet with.

        But it seems these People think they have a better
Justification; nothing less than the _Word of God_.  With the
Scriptures in their Hands and Mouths, they can set at nought that
express Command, _Thou shalt do no Murder_; and justify their
Wickedness, by the Command given _Joshua_ to destroy the Heathen.
Horrid Perversion of Scripture and of Religion! to father the worst
of Crimeson the God of Peace and Love! -- Even the _Jews_, to whom
that particular Commission was directed, spared the _Gibeonites_, on
Account of their Faith once given. The Faith of this Government has
been frequently given to those _Indians_; -- but that did not avail
them with People who despise Government.

        We pretend to be _Christians_, and, from the superior Light we
enjoy, ought to exceed _Heathens_, _Turks_, _Saracens_, _Moors_,
_Negroes_ and _Indians_, in the Knowledge and Practice of what is
right.  I will endeavour to show, by a few Examples from Books and
History, the Sense those People have had of such Actions.

        HOMER wrote his Poem, called the _Odyssey_, some Hundred Years
before the Birth of Christ.  He frequently speaks of what he calls
not only _the Duties_, but _the sacred Rites of Hospitality_,
(exercised towards Strangers, while in our House or Territory) as
including, besides all the common Circumstances of Entertainment,
full Safety and Protection of Person, from all Danger of Life, from
all Injuries, and even Insults.  The Rites of Hospitality were called
_sacred_, because the Stranger, the Poor and the Weak, when they
applied for Protection and Relief, were, from the Religion of those
Times, supposed to be sent by the Deity to try the Goodness of Men,
and that he would avenge the Injuries they might receive, where they
ought to have been protected. -- These Sentiments therefore
influenced the Manners of all Ranks of People, even the meanest; for
we find that when _Ulysses_ came, as a poor Stranger, to the Hut of
_Eumaeus_, the Swineherd, and his great Dogs ran out to tear the
ragged Man, _Eumaeus_ drave them away with Stones; and

_Unhappy Stranger! (thus the faithful Swain
Began, with Accent gracious and humane)
What Sorrow had been mine, if at_ my _Gate
Thy rev'rend Age had met a shameful Fate?
------ But enter this my homely Roof, and see
Our Woods not void of Hospitality.
He said, and seconding the kind Request,
With friendly Step precedes the unknown Guest.
A shaggy Goat's soft Hide beneath him spread,
And with fresh Rushes heap'd an ample Bed.
Joy touch'd the Hero's tender Soul, to find
So_ just _Reception from a Heart so kind:
And oh, ye Gods! with all your Blessings grace
(He thus broke forth) this Friend of human Race!
The Swain reply'd.  It never was our guise
To slight the Poor, or aught humane despise.
For_ Jove _unfolds the hospitable Door,
Tis_ Jove _that sends the Stranger and the Poor._

        These Heathen People thought, that after a Breach of the Rites
of Hospitality, a Curse from Heaven would attend them in every thing
they did, and even their honest Industry in their Callings would fail
of Success. -- Thus when _Ulysses_ tells _Eumaeus_, who doubted the
Truth of what he related, _If I deceive you in this, I should deserve
Death, and I consent that you should put me to Death_; _Eumaeus_
rejects the Proposal as what would be attended with both Infamy and
Misfortune, saying ironically,

_Doubtless, oh Guest! great Laud and Praise were mine,
If, after social Rites and Gifts bestow'd,
I stain'd my Hospitable Hearth with Blood.
How would the Gods my righteous Toils succeed,
And bless the Hand that made a Stranger bleed?
No more. -- _

        Even an open Enemy, in the Heat of Battle, throwing down his
Arms, submitting to his Foe, and asking Life and Protection, was
supposed to acquire an immediate Right to that Protection.  Thus one
describes his being saved, when his Party was defeated.

        _We turn'd to Flight; the gath'ring Vengeance spread On all
Parts round, and Heaps on Heaps lie dead.  -- The radiant Helmet from
my Brows unlac'd, And lo on Earth my Shield and Jav'lin cast, I meet
the Monarch with a Suppliant's Face, Approach his Chariot, and his
Knees embrace. He heard, he sav'd, he plac'd me at his Side; My State
he pity'd, and my Tears he dry'd; Restrain'd the Rage the vengeful
Foe express'd, And turn'd the deadly Weapons from my Breast.  Pious_
to guard the Hospitable Rite, _And_ fearing Jove, _whom Mercy's Works
delight._

        The Suitors of _Penelope_ are by the same ancient Poet
described as a Sett of lawless Men, who were _regardless of the
sacred Rites of Hospitality_.  And therefore when the Queen was
informed they were slain, and that by _Ulysses_, she, not believing
that _Ulysses_ was returned, says,

_Ah no! -- some God the Suitors Deaths decreed,
Some God descends, and by his Hand they bleed:
Blind, to contemn the Stranger's righteous Cause,_
And violate all hospitable Laws!
---------- _The Powers they defy'd;
But Heav'n is just, and by a God they dy'd._

        Thus much for the Sentiments of the ancient _Heathens_. -- As
for the _Turks_, it is recorded in the Life of _Mahomet_, the Founder
of their Religion, that _Khaled_, one of his Captains, having divided
a Number of Prisoners between himself and those that were with him,
he commanded the Hands of his own Prisoners to be tied behind them,
and then, in a most cruel and brutal Manner, put them to the Sword;
but he could not prevail on his Men to massacre _their_ Captives,
because in Fight they had laid down their Arms, submitted, and
demanded Protection.  _Mahomet_, when the Account was brought to him,
applauded the Men for their Humanity; but said to _Khaled_, with
great Indignation, _Oh_ Khaled, _thou Butcher, cease to molest me
with thy Wickedness. -- If thou possessedst a Heap of Gold as large
as Mount_ Obod, _and shouldst expend it all in God's Cause, thy Merit
would not efface the Guilt incurred by the Murder of the meanest of
those poor Captives._

        Among the _Arabs_ or _Saracens_, thought it was lawful to put
to Death a Prisoner taken in Battle, if he had made himself obnoxious
by his former Wickedness, yet this could not be done after he had
once eaten Bread, or drank Water, while in their Hands.  Hence we
read in the History of the Wars of the _Holy Land_, that when the
_Franks_ had suffered a great Defeat
 from _Saladin_, and among the Prisoners were the King of
_Jerusalem_, and _Arnold_, a famous Christian Captain, who had
been very cruel to the _Saracens_; these two being brought before
the Soltan, he placed the King on his right Hand, and _Arnold_ on
his left; and then presented the King with a Cup of Water, who
immediately drank to _Arnold_; but when _Arnold_ was about to
receive the Cup, the Soltan interrupted, saying, _I will not
suffer this wicked Man to drink, as that, according to the
laudable and generous Custom of the_ Arabs, _would secure him his
Life._

        That the same laudable and generous Custom still prevails among
the _Mahometans_, appears from the Account but last Year published of
his Travels by Mr. _Bell_ of _Antermony_, who accompanied the Czar
_Peter_ the Great, in his Journey to _Derbent_ through _Daggestan_.
"The Religion of the _Daggestans_, says he, is generally _Mahometan_,
some following the Sect of _Osman_, others that of _Haly_.  Their
Language for the most Part is _Turkish_, or rather a Dialect of the
_Arabic_, though many of them speak also the _Persian_ Language.  One
Article I cannot omit concerning their Laws of Hospitality, which is,
if their greatest Enemy comes under their Roof for Protection, the
Landlord, of what Condition soever, is obliged to keep him safe, from
all Manner of Harm or Violence, during his Abode with him, and even
to conduct him safely through his Territories to a Place of
Security." --

        From the _Saracens_ this same Custom obtained among the _Moors_
of _Africa_; was by them brought into _Spain_, and there long
sacredly observed.  The _Spanish_ Historians record with Applause one
famous Instance of it.  While the _Moors_ governed there, and the
_Spaniards_ were mixed with them, a _Spanish_ Cavalier, in a sudden
Quarrel, slew a young _Moorish_ Gentleman, and fled.  His Pursuers
soon lost Sight of him, for he had, unperceived, thrown himself over
a Garden Wall.  The Owner, a _Moor_, happening to be in his Garden,
was addressed by the _Spaniard_ on his Knees, who acquainted him with
his Case, and implored Concealment.  _Eat this,_ said the _Moor_,
giving him Half a Peach; _you now know that you may confide in my
Protection_.  He then locked him up in his Garden Apartment, telling
him,that as soon as it was Night he would provide for his Escape to a
Place of more Safety. -- The _Moor_ then went into his House, where
he had scarce seated himself, when a great Croud, with loud
Lamentations, came to his Gate, bringing the Corps of his Son, that
had just been killed by a _Spaniard_.  When the first Shock of
Surprize was a little over, he learnt, from the Description given,
that the fatal Deed was done by the Person then in his Power.  He
mentioned this to no One; but as soon as it was dark, retired to his
Garden Apartment, as if to grieve alone, giving Orders that none
should follow him.  There accosting the _Spaniard_, he said,
_Christian, the Person you have killed, is my Son: His Body is now in
my House.  You ought to suffer; but you have eaten with me, and I
have given you my Faith, which must not be broken.  Follow me. -- _
He then led the astonished _Spaniard_ to his Stables, mounted him on
one of his fleetest Horses, and said, _Fly far while the Night can
cover you.  You will be safe in the Morning.  You are indeed guilty
of my Son's Blood, but God is just and good, and I thank him that I
am innocent of yours, and that my Faith given is preserved._

        The _Spaniards_ caught from the _Moors_ this _Punto_ of Honour,
the Effects of which remain, in a great Degree, to this Day.  So that
when there is Fear of a War about to break out between _England_ and
_Spain_, an _English_ Merchant there, who apprehends the Confiscation
of his Goods as the Goods of an Enemy, thinks them safe, if he can
get a _Spaniard_ to take Charge of them; for the _Spaniard_ secures
them as his own, and faithfully redelivers them, or pays the Value,
whenever the _Englishman_ can safely demand it.

        Justice to that Nation, though lately our Enemies, and hardly
yet our cordial Friends, obliges me,on this Occasion, not to omit
mentioning an Instance of _Spanish_ Honour, which cannot but be still
fresh in the Memory of many yet living.  In 1746, when we were in hot
War with _Spain_, the _Elizabeth_, of _London_, Captain _William
Edwards_, coming through the Gulph from _Jamaica_, richly laden, met
with a most violent Storm, in which the Ship sprung a Leak, that
obliged them,for the Saving of their Lives, to run her into the
_Havannah_.  The Captain went on Shore, directly waited on the
Governor, told the Occasion of his putting in, and that he
surrendered his Ship as a Prize, and himself and his Men as Prisoners
of War, only requesting good Quarter.  _No, Sir,_ replied the
_Spanish_ Governor, _If we had taken you in fair War at Sea, or
approaching our Coast with hostile Intentions, your Ship would then
have been a Prize, and your People Prisoners.  But when distressed by
a Tempest, you come into our Ports for the Safety of your Lives, we,
though Enemies, being Men, are bound as such, by the Laws of
Humanity, to afford Relief to distressed Men, who ask it of us.  We
cannot, even against our Enemies, take Advantage of an Act of God.
You have Leave therefore to unload your Ship, if that be necessary,
to stop the Leak; you may refit here, and traffick so far as shall be
necessary to pay the Charges; you may then depart, and I will give
you a Pass, to be in Force till you are beyond_ Bermuda.  _If after
that you are taken, you will then be a Prize, but now you are only a
Stranger, and have a Stranger's Right to Safety and Protection. -- _
The Ship accordingly departed, and arrived safe in _London_.

        Will it be permitted me to adduce, on this Occasion, an
Instance of the like Honour in a poor unenlightened _African Negroe_.
I find it in Capt. _Seagrave_'s Account of his Voyage to _Guinea_.
He relates that a _New-England_ Sloop, trading there in 1752, left
their second Mate, _William Murray_, sick on Shore, and sailed
without him.  _Murray_ was at the House of a Black, named _Cudjoe_,
with whom he had contracted an Acquaintance during their Trade.  He
recovered,and the Sloop being gone, he continued with his black
Friend, till some other Opportunity should offer of his getting home.
In the mean while, a _Dutch_ Ship came into the Road, and some of the
Blacks going on board her, were treacherously seized, and carried off
as Slaves.  Their Relations and Friends, transported with sudden
Rage, ran to the House of _Cudjoe_ to take Revenge, by killing
_Murray_.  _Cudjoe_ stopt them at the Door, and demanded what they
wanted?  The White Men, said they, have carried away our Brothers and
Sons, and we will kill all White Men; -- give us the White Man that
you keep in your House, for we will kill him.  _Nay,_ said _Cudjoe_;
_the White Men that carried away your Brothers are bad Men, kill them
when you can catch them; but this White Man is a good Man, and you
must not kill him. -- _ But he is a White Man, they cried; the White
Men are all bad; we will kill them all. -- _Nay,_ says he, _you must
not kill a Man, that has done no Harm, only for being_ _white.  This
Man is my Friend, my House is his Fort, and I am his Soldier.  I must
fight for him.  You must kill me, before you can kill him. -- What
good Man will ever come again under my Roof,if I let my Floor be
stained with a good Man's Blood! -- _ The _Negroes_ seeing his
Resolution, and being convinced by his Discourse that they were
wrong, went away ashamed.  In a few Days _Murray_ ventured abroad
again with _Cudjoe_, when several of them took him by the Hand, and
told him they were glad they had not killed him;for as he was a good
(meaning an innocent) Man, _their God would have been angry, and
would have spoiled their Fishing. -- _ I relate this, says Captain
_Seagrave_, to show, that some among these dark People have a strong
Sense of Justice and Honour, and that even the most brutal among them
are capable of feeling the Force of Reason, and of being influenced
by a Fear of God (if the Knowledge of the true God could be
introduced among them) since even the Fear of a false God, when their
Rage subsided, was not without its good Effect.

        Now I am about to mention something of _Indians_, I beg that I
may not be understood as framing Apologies for _all Indians_.  I am
far from desiring to lessen the laudable Spirit of Resentment in my
Countrymen against those now at War with us, so far as it is
justified by their Perfidy and Inhumanity. -- I would only observe
that the _Six Nations_, as a Body, have kept Faith with the _English_
ever since we knew them, now near an Hundred Years; and that the
governing Part of those People have had Notions of Honour, whatever
may be the Case with the Rum-debauched, Trader-corrupted Vagabonds
and Thieves on _Sasquehannah_ and the _Ohio_, at present in Arms
against us. -- As a Proof of that Honour, I shall only mention one
well-known recent Fact.  When six _Catawba_ Deputies, under the Care
of Colonel _Bull_, of _Charlestown_, went by Permission into the
_Mohawks_ Country, to sue for and treat of Peace for their Nation,
they soon found the _Six Nations_ highly exasperated, and the Peace
at that Time impracticable: They were therefore in Fear for their own
Persons, and apprehended that they should be killed in their Way back
to _New-York_; which being made known to the _Mohawk_ Chiefs, by
Colonel _Bull_, one of them, by Order of the Council, made this
Speech to the _Catawbas_: --

 
        "_Strangers and Enemies,_

        "While you are in this Country, blow away all Fear out of your
Breasts; change the black Streak of Paint on your Cheek for a red
One, and let your Faces shine with Bear's-Grease: You are safer here
than if you were at home.  The _Six Nations_ will not defile their
own Land with the Blood of Men that come unarmed to ask for Peace.
We shall send a Guard with you, to see you safe out of our
Territories.  So far you shall have Peace, but no farther.  Get home
to your own Country, and there take Care of yourselves, for there we
intend to come and kill you."

        The _Catawbas_ came away unhurt accordingly.

        It is also well known, that just before the late War broke out,
when our Traders first went among the _Piankeshaw Indians_, a Tribe
of the _Twightwees_, they found the Principle of _giving Protection
to Strangers_ in full Force; for the _French_ coming with their
_Indians_ to the _Piankeshaw_ Town, and demanding that those Traders
and their Goods should be delivered up; -- the _Piankeshaws_ replied,
the _English_ were come there upon their Invitation, and they could
not do so base a Thing.  But the _French_ insisting on it, the
_Piankeshaws_ took Arms in Defence of their Guests, and a Number of
them, with their old Chief, lost their Lives in the Cause; the
_French_ at last prevailing by superior Force only.

        I will not dissemble that numberless Stories have been raised
and spread abroad, against not only the poor Wretches that are
murdered, but also against the Hundred and Forty christianized
_Indians_, still threatned to be murdered; all which Stories are well
known, by those who know the _Indians_ best, to be pure Inventions,
contrived by bad People, either to excite each other to join in the
Murder, or since it was committed, to justify it; and believed only
by the Weak and Credulous.  I call thus publickly on the Makers and
Venders of these Accusations to produce their Evidence.  Let them
satisfy the Public that even _Will Soc_, the most obnoxious of all
that Tribe, was really guilty of those Offences against us which they
lay to his Charge.  But if he was, ought he not to have been fairly
tried?  He lived under our Laws, and was subject to them; he was in
our Hands, and might easily have been prosecuted; was it _English
Justice_ to condemn and execute him unheard?  Conscious of his own
Innocence, he did not endeavour to hide himself when the Door of the
Work-house, his Sanctuary, was breaking open; _I will meet them,_
says he, _for they are my Brothers_.  These Brothers of his shot him
down at the Door, while the Word Brothers was still between his
Teeth! -- But if _Will Soc_ was a bad Man, what had poor old
_Shehaes_ done? what could he or the other poor old Men and Women do?
What had little Boys and Girls done; what could Children of a Year
old, Babes at the Breast, what could they do, that they too must be
shot and hatcheted? -- Horrid to relate! -- and in their Parents
Arms!  This is done by no civilized Nation in _Europe_.  Do we come
to _America_ to learn and practise the Manners of _Barbarians_?  But
this, _Barbarians_ as they are, they practise against their Enemies
only, not against their Friends. --

        These poor People have been always our Friends.  Their Fathers
received ours, when Strangers here, with Kindness and Hospitality.
Behold the Return we have made them! -- When we grew more numerous
and powerful, they put themselves under our _Protection_.  See, in
the mangled Corpses of the last Remains of the Tribe, how effectually
we have afforded it to them! --

        Unhappy People! to have lived in such Times, and by such
Neighbours! -- We have seen, that they would have been safer among
the ancient _Heathens_, with whom the Rites of Hospitality were
_sacred_. -- They would have been considered as _Guests_ of the
Publick, and the Religion of the Country would have operated in their
Favour.  But our Frontier People call themselves _Christians_! --
They would have been safer, if they had submitted to the _Turks_; for
ever since _Mahomet_'s Reproof to _Khaled_, even the _cruel Turks_,
never kill Prisoners in cold Blood.  These were not even Prisoners:
-- But what is the Example of _Turks_ to Scripture _Christians_? --
They would have been safer, though they had been taken in actual War
against the _Saracens_, if they had once drank Water with them.
These were not taken in War against us, and have drank with us, and
we with them, for Fourscore Years. -- But shall we compare _Saracens_
to _Christians_? -- They would have been safer among the _Moors_ in
_Spain_, though they had been _Murderers of Sons_; if Faith had once
been pledged to them, and a Promise of Protection given.  But these
have had the Faith of the _English_ given to them many Times by the
Government, and, in Reliance on that Faith, they lived among us, and
gave us the Opportunity of murdering them. -- However, what was
honourable in _Moors_, may not be a Rule to us; for we are
_Christians_! -- They would have been safer it seems among _Popish
Spaniards_, even if Enemies, and delivered into their Hands by a
Tempest.  These were not Enemies; they were born among us, and yet we
have killed them all. -- But shall we imitate _idolatrous Papists_,
we that are _enlightened Protestants_? -- They would even have been
safer among the _Negroes_ of _Africa_, where at least one manly Soul
would have been found, with Sense, Spirit and Humanity enough, to
stand in their Defence: -- But shall _Whitemen_ and _Christians_ act
like a _Pagan Negroe_? -- In short it appears, that they would have
been safe in any Part of the known World, -- except in the
Neighbourhood of the CHRISTIAN WHITE SAVAGES of _Peckstang_ and
_Donegall_! --

        O ye unhappy Perpetrators of this horrid Wickedness!  Reflect a
Moment on the Mischief ye have done, the Disgrace ye have brought on
your Country, on your Religion, and your Bible, on your Families and
Children!  Think on the Destruction of your captivated Country-folks
(now among the wild _Indians_) which probably may follow, in
Resentment of your Barbarity!  Think on the Wrath of the United _Five
Nations_, hitherto our Friends, but now provoked by your murdering
one of their Tribes, in Danger of becoming our bitter Enemies. --
Think of the mild and good Government you have so audaciously
insulted; the Laws of your King, your Country, and your GOD, that you
have broken; the infamous Death that hangs over your Heads: -- For
JUSTICE, though slow, will come at last. -- All good People every
where detest your Actions. -- You have imbrued your Hands in innocent
Blood; how will you make them clean? -- The dying Shrieks and Groans
of the Murdered, will often sound in your Ears: Their Spectres will
sometimes attend you, and affright even your innocent Children!  --
Fly where you will, your Consciences will go with you: -- Talking in
your Sleep shall betray you, in the Delirium of a Fever you
yourselves shall make your own Wickedness known.

        One Hundred and Forty peaceable _Indians_ yet remain in this
Government.  They have, by Christian Missionaries, been brought over
to a _Liking_, at least, of our Religion; some of them lately left
their Nation which is now at War with us, because they did not chuse
to join with them in their Depredations; and to shew their Confidence
in us, and to give us an equal Confidence in them, they have brought
and put into our Hands their Wives and Children.  Others have lived
long among us in _Northampton_ County, and most of their Children
have been born there.  These are all now trembling for their Lives.
They have been hurried from Place to Place for Safety, now concealed
in Corners, then sent out of the Province, refused a Passage through
a neighbouring Colony, and returned, not unkindly perhaps, but
disgracefully, on our Hands.  O _Pennsylvania_! once renowned for
Kindness to Strangers, shall the Clamours of a few mean Niggards
about the Expence of this _Publick Hospitality_, an Expence that will
not cost the noisy Wretches _Sixpence_ a Piece (and what is the
Expence of the poor Maintenance we afford them, compared to the
Expence they might occasion if in Arms against us) shall so senseless
a Clamour, I say, force you to turn out of your Doors these unhappy
Guests, who have offended their own Country-folks by their Affection
for you, who,confiding in your Goodness, have put themselves under
your Protection?  Those whom you have disarmed to satisfy groundless
Suspicions, will you leave them exposed to the armed Madmen of your
Country? -- Unmanly Men! who are not ashamed to come with Weapons
against the Unarmed, to use the Sword against Women, and the Bayonet
against young Children; and who have already given such bloody Proofs
of their Inhumanity and Cruelty. -- Let us rouze ourselves, for
Shame, and redeem the Honour of our Province from the Contempt of its
Neighbours; let all good Men join heartily and unanimously in Support
of the Laws, and in strengthening the Hands of Government; that
JUSTICE may be done, the Wicked punished, and the Innocent protected;
otherwise we can, as a People, expect no Blessing from Heaven, there
will be no Security for our Persons or Properties; Anarchy and
Confusion will prevail over all, and Violence, without Judgment,
dispose of every Thing.

        When I mention the Baseness of the Murderers, in the Use they
made of Arms, I cannot, I ought not to forget, the very different
Behaviour of _brave Men_ and _true Soldiers_, of which this
melancholy Occasion has afforded us fresh Instances.  The _Royal
Highlanders_ have, in the Course of this War, suffered as much as any
other Corps, and have frequently had their Ranks thinn'd by an
_Indian_ Enemy; yet they did not for this retain a brutal
undistinguishing Resentment against _all Indians_, Friends as well as
Foes.  But a Company of them happening to be here, when the 140 poor
_Indians_ above mentioned were thought in too much Danger to stay
longer in the Province, chearfully undertook to protect and escort
them to _New-York_, which they executed (as far as that Government
would permit the _Indians_ to come) with Fidelity and Honour; and
their Captain _Robinson_, is justly applauded and honoured by all
sensible and good People, for the Care, Tenderness and Humanity, with
which he treated those unhappy Fugitives, during their March in this
severe Season.  General _Gage_, too, has approved of his Officer's
Conduct, and, as I hear, ordered him to remain with the _Indians_ at
_Amboy_, and continue his Protection to them, till another Body of
the King's Forces could be sent to relieve his Company, and escort
their Charge back in Safety to _Philadelphia_, where his Excellency
has had the Goodness to direct those Forces to remain for some
Time,under the Orders of our Governor, for the Security of the
_Indians_; the Troops of this Province being at present necessarily
posted on the Frontier.  Such just and generous Actions endear the
Military to the Civil Power, and impress the Minds of all the
Discerning with a still greater Respect for our national Government.
-- I shall conclude with observing, that _Cowards_ can handle Arms,
can strike where they are sure to meet with no Return, can wound,
mangle and murder; but it belongs to _brave_ Men to spare, and to
protect; for, as the Poet says,

------ _Mercy still sways the Brave_.

Philadelphia, 1764

        _The Duke of York's Travels_

_To the Printer of the_ Public Advertiser.

        SIR, I have observed all the News-papers have of late taken
great Liberties with a noble Personage nearly allied to his Majesty.
They have one Day made him Commander of a Fleet in the Mediterranean;
again in the Channel; then to hoist his Flag on board a Yatcht, and
go on a grand Commission to Copenhagen; then to take a Tour to
Brunswick, and so parade all over Germany to our unsatisfied Ally the
King of Prussia; then he is said to commence Admiral again, and go
with a large Fleet to America; first for a little Amusement to go a
Cod Fishing with Monsieurs, and then to range the Continent, and I
suppose they mean to go a Wood-hunting with the Cherokee Kings; these
are the Peregrinations, Mr. Woodfall, that our noble Duke is to be
sent upon; but indeed I am much surprised in all their high-flown
Schemes they have never thought of sending him with a grand Squadron
to East India up the Ganges to call upon the Nabob, and then advance
and pay a Visit to the Great Mogul, and afterwards sail for China,
and go up to see the Grandeur of the Court of Pekin: This would have
been a fine Subject to have enlarged upon, and they might have thrown
in how many sumptuous Barges were building to be sent on board the
Squadron to be put together in India, and advance up the River with
the utmost Magnificence.  If these Hints will be any ways instructive
to the News-writers, I shall be happy to have pleased so useful a
Body of Men in this great City; and am Mr. Woodfall's most humble
Servant, _Pimlico, May_ 10.  The SPECTATOR.

_The Public Advertiser_, May 15, 1765

        _The Grand Leap of the Whale_

_To the Printer of the_ Public Advertiser.

        SIR, In your Paper of Wednesday last, an ingenious
Correspondent that calls himself _the_ SPECTATOR, and dates from
_Pimlico_, under the Guise of Good-Will to the News-Writers, whom he
allows to be "an useful Body of Men in this great City," has, in my
Opinion artfully attempted to turn them and their Works into
Ridicule; wherein, if he could succeed, great Injury might be done to
the Public, as well as to those good People.

        Supposing, Sir, that the _We hears_ they give us of this and
t'other intended Voyage, or Tour of this and t'other great Personage,
were mere Inventions, yet they at least afford us an innocent
Amusement while we read, and useful Matter of Conversation when we
are disposed to converse.  Englishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent
when they have nothing to say; too apt to be sullen when they are
silent, and when they are sullen to h -- g themselves.  But by these
_We Hears_ we are supplied with abundant Fund of Discourse: We
discuss the Motives to such Voyages, the Probability of their being
undertaken, and the